New Jersey Slavery Records

The abstract of the estate inventory of Daniel Cooper indicates that he held four Black people in slavery in his household at the time of his death in 1715. The following is the text of the abstract as it appears in the New Jersey Calendar of Wills, Vol. 1: "1715 March 30. Cooper, Daniel, of Gloucester Co. Inventory of the personal estate of, £451.12.4 1/2, incl. three male and one female negro slaves £140.-, one servant woman's time £6.-, bills and book debts, £55.8.-; made by John Kaighin and John Kay; attested by Sarah Cooper." The inventory was filed in Gloucester County. Daniel Cooper was the owner of Cooper's Ferry in what is now Camden City in Camden County. In 1715, this area was part of Newton Township, Gloucester County, hence why the inventory lists that county.

On June 3, 1717, Shoball Smith sold an enslaved Black woman named Phebe to Samuel Smith for the sum of 50 pounds. A partial transcript of the sale record appears in the 1873 book Woodbridge and Vicinity by Joseph W. Dally on page 185: "Records of the sale of Africans are frequently found in MSS. relating to the town. The following, bearing date June 3d, 1717, is written in Liber B, folio 100: 'Know all men by these presents yt I, Shoball Smith, of Woodbridge, In ye County of Midd[lese]x In ye provence New East Jersey, for and In Consideration of ye sum of fifty pound Currant Silver money, of ye sd provence, to me In hand paid by Samuel Smith of ye Same place, yeoman of ye town and provence aforesd—do bargain, sell, allineat and Deliver one Negro woman Named Phebe to sd Samll Smith, for him, his heirs and assigns,' etc."

A Black man named Tom ran away from Cornelius Van Horne's plantation around September 1724. Van Horne's plantation was located on the Raritan River in the southeastern portion of present-day Bridgewater Township, just north of where the Millstone River flows into the Raritan (the surrounding area is known today as Finderne, but was commonly called Raritan in the 18th century). Cornelius Van Horne published a runaway ad for Tom in the Philadelphia-based newspaper American Weekly Mercury. Van Horne wanted Tom to be jailed at the Amboy jail (in Perth Amboy) or brought to New York City where Van Horne had business and family connections. The word "Maligasco" used to describe Tom in the ad is presumed to mean Madagascar. ----- Transcript of the source document: "RUN away from the Plantation of Cornelius Van Horne, on Rariton River a Maligasco Negroe Man, named Tom, he is a black likely fellow, pretty Tall, a grave Look, has on a Homesput brown Jacket, and lined with the same, has brass Buttons. Whosoever takes up the said Negroe and Delivers him to his said Master Cornelius Van Horne, in New-York, or in Amboy Goal, shall have Three Pounds as a Reward and reasonable Charges."

According to Ukawsaw Gronniosaw's autobiography, his enslaver "Mr. Vanhorn" sold him to "Mr. Freelandhouse" for 50 pounds. The date of this sale event is approximate; it would have taken place in the late 1720s or early 1730s. See p. 12 in Gronniosaw's book: "Mr. Freelandhouse, a very gracious, good Minister, heard it, and he took a great deal of notice of me, and desired my master to part with me to him. He would not hear of it at first, but, being greatly persuaded, he let me go, and Mr. Freelandhouse gave £50. for me." Historians have definitively identified the Rev. Theodorus Jacobus Frelinghuysen as the purchaser (Mr. Freelandhouse). Research by Ryan Hanley and Helene van Rossum identified Cornelius Van Horne as the likely seller. See Van Horne's biographical profile for additional information about him and his connection with Frelinghuysen that makes him the likely subject of Gronniosaw's narrative. As the result of this sale, Gronniosaw moved from Cornelius Van Horne's plantation, which was located adjacent to the Raritan Church (present-day area of Finderne in Bridgewater, Somerset County), to Rev. Frelinghuysen's home near the Three Mile Run Church.

On June 9, 1733, Richard Scudder of Elizabethtown sold a Black girl (or woman) named Genny to Jonathan Dickinson. Genny's age at the time of the sale is uncertain. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Know all Men by these Psents that I, Richard Scudder of Elizabeth Town in the County of Essex and Provine of New Jersey Yeoman Have bargained sold and delivered unto Jonathan Dickinson of Elizabeth-Town aforsd a certain Negro Girl named Genny To Have and To Hold the sd Negro Girl unto him the sd Jonathan Dickinson and to his Heirs Executors Administrators and Assigns during her natural Life And I do hereby for my self my Heirs Executors and Administrators bargain Covenant and agree with him the sd Jonathan Dickinson and with His Heirs Executors and Administrators that I the sd Richard Scudder had at the Time of the sale of that Negro Girl a just Propriety in her & full Power to dispose of her And also that I and my Heirs will warrant and defend him the sd Jonathan Dickinson and his Heirs and Assignes in the peaceable Possession and Property of the sd Negro Girl against all manner of Persons whatsoever legally claiming a Propriety in Her as Witness my Hand and Seal this ninth Day of June one thousand seven hundred and thirty three and in the Sixth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the second of Great Brittain & King & — Richard Scudder {Seal} David Thomas Samuel ____ton"

According to the memoirs of his life, published after his death, William Boen was born into slavery in Rancocas around 1735. See p. 15: "He was born in the year 1735, in the neighbourhood of Rancocas. Being a slave from his birth"

Samuel Hazard advertised an auction for a 35-year-old Black man as well as a house and lot in New York City on Broad Street (occupied by Mrs. Marston). The auction was to take place on February 9, 1738. (Samuel Hazard was a merchant and one of the original trustees of Princeton University.) ----- Transcript of the source document: "To be sold at Publick Vendue on Thursday the 9th of February, at 2 o'clock in the Afternoon, a House and Ground in Broad Street, in which Mrs. Marston now lives, the Lot contains in length on each side, One Hundred Foot in Breadth on the East-end, Fronting Broad Street, Forty Foot, and in the Rear Forty Four Foot, Wood-Measure. Also to be sold Five Sixths of a Quarter of an Undivided Lot of Ground lying near the Fresh-Water, Together with the Pot-House and Lot there, the whole Lot contains in Length Forty Four Rods, and in Breadth Twenty Four Rods. There is also to be sold a Negro man, Aged about Thirty Five Years. The Sale of all to be at the House in Broad Street above mentioned. Whoever inclines to purchase may be informed of the Title by Samuel Hazard at Mr. Thomas Nobles near the Old Slip."

Theodorus Van Dyck, a New York City merchant, sold a Black man named York to Hendrick Van Dyck, yeoman, on July 30, 1742, for the sum of 30 pounds. York was about 50 years old at the time of the sale. The sale was witnessed by two men, one named Tobias (last name illegible) and the other John Hastier, a prominent New York City silversmith who was known to use enslaved labor in his shop. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Know all men by these Presents, That I Theod'os [Theodorus] Van Dyck of the City of New York merch for and in Consideration of the sum of Thirty pounds Current money of the province of New York to me in hand paid at and before the Ensealing and Delivery of these presents by Hendrick Van Dyck of Kings County in the province of New York yeoman. The receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge, and my self to be therewith fully satisfied and paid, and thereof and Every part thereof Do hereby acquit and discharge the said Hendrick Van Dyck his Executors adm'ors [administrators] and assignes. Have granted bargained and sold and by these presents do fully clearly & absolutely part bargain and sell unto the said Hendrick Van Dyck one Negro man Named York aged about fifty years. To Have & to Hold the s'd [said] negro man York unto him the said Henrick Van Dyck his Executors administrators and assignes for ever. And I the said Theod'os [Theodorus] Van Dyck for my self my Executors and administrators and assignes do Covenant promise and grant to and with the said Hendrick Van Dyck his Executors administrators & assignes to waviant and Defend the sale of the above named Negro man against all persons whatsoever. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 30th day of July one thousand Seven Hundred and forty two. Sealed and Delivered} Theodorus Van Dyck in the presence of} John Hastier Tobias [? yck]"

According to Ukawsaw Gronniosaw's autobiography, the Rev. Theodorus Jacobus Frelinghuysen manumitted Gronniosaw in his will and also left him 10 pounds. At the time of Frelinghuysen's death around 1747, Gronniosaw had been enslaved in the Frelinghuysen household for nearly two decades. After his manumission, Gronniosaw continued working for the Frelinghuysen family as a servant for several years. See p. 18-19 in Gronniosaw's book: "my temporal comforts were all blasted by the death of my dear and worthy Master Mr. Freelandhouse, who was taken from this world rather suddenly: he had but a short illness, and died of a fever. I held his hand in mine, when he departed; he told me he had given me my freedom. I was at liberty to go where I would.--He added that he had always pray'd for me and hop'd I should be kept unto the end. My master left me by his will ten pounds, and my freedom."

In November 1752, slave trader Philip Livingston offered a reward of 3 pounds for the capture of an African man who escaped from Livingston in New York City. The man did not speak any English or Dutch (the primary European languages in eighteen-century New York) because he was only recently brought to New York City from Africa. This incident took place 14 years before Philip Livingston would became a charter trustee of Queen's College. The advertisement offered a description of the man's African hairstyle: "his hair or wool is curled in locks, in a very remarkable manner." Livingston also referred to the man as a "a very likely lusty fellow." In eighteenth-century America, the term "likely" meant good looking, while the term "lusty" meant healthy and vigorous. Thus the words "a very likely lusty fellow" suggest that the freedom seeker was a strong and healthy man in the prime of his life. Livingston supposed that the freedom seeker made his way toward the woods near Harlem, which was at that time a small village north of New York City on the Island of Manhattan (the Harlem area has since then been incorporated into New York City as a neighborhood north of Central Park). The following is a transcript of the advertisement from the New-York Gazette issue of November 6, 1752: "Run away from Philip Livingson [sic], of New York, on the 28th of October last; a Negro Man, lately imported from Africa, his Hair or wool is curled in locks, in a very remarkable manner; he is a very likely lusty fellow, and cannot speak a word of English, or Dutch, or any other language but that of his own country. He was seen last Monday on New York Island, and is supposed now to be in the Woods near Harlem. whoever takes up said Fellow, and delivers him to his said master shall receive THREE POUNDS as a reward, from PHILIP LIVINGSTON."

On April 12, 1753, a Black woman named Nell ran away from enslaver Isaac Kingsland of Saddle River, in Bergen County, New Jersey. She took with her many articles of clothing when she left. Kingsland published a runaway ad offering a reward of forty shillings for Nell's capture and return. The ad mentioned that Nell was previously enslaved by "Robert J. Livingston," a merchant in New York. It also noted that Nell had "three Diamonds in her face, one on each side and the other on her Forehead," likely referring to facial markings representing Nell's cultural heritage. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Run away the 12th Instant April, from ISAAC KINGSLAND of Saddle River, in Bergen County, East New Jersey, a Negro Wench named Nell, who formerly belonged to Robert J. Livingston, Merchant in New York: she is a tall slim Wench, has three Diamonds in her face, one on each side and the other on her Forehead: had on and taken with her when she went away, three Petticoats, one is an old quilted one, and the other two homespun, one striped and the other mixed a blue and white striped short gown, a bluish homespun Waistcoat, and an Ozenbrigs shirt, with Homespun sleeves, a short blue cloke, a new pair of Blue Stockings, a pair of old crooked shoes, and several other Things too tedious to mention. These are therefore to Forewarn all Masters of Vessels and others, of carrying off, concealing or harbouring said Wench, as they will answer it at their peril with the utmost Rigour of the Law· Whoever takes up the foremention'd Negroe, and secures her in any Goal, so that her master can have her again, shall have Forty Shillings reward, and all reasonable charges paid by ISAAC KINGSLAND."

In a letter written on November 28, 1754, Dina Frelinghuysen née Van Bergh (later Dina Hardenbergh), briefly mentioned Black laborers in her household, saying that they were subservient to her, but she wanted to "be rid of them." The letter was written in Dutch and sent from the place now known as the Old Dutch Parsonage in Somerville, Somerset County, NJ. The following is a transcript of the relevant passage, as translated into English by the Rev. Gerard Van Dyke: "As to the blacks, they are submissive to me, but I should like to be rid of them." Dina wrote the letter shortly after the death of her first husband Johannes Frelinghuysen, and it was addressed to her brother-in-law Hendricus Frelinghuysen, who was living in New York.

Rachel and her children were all baptized together on May 6, 1756, at Christ Church in Shrewsbury. ----- Transcript of the source document: "[1756] May 6 | Rachel | An adult Negro servant belonging to Miss Isabella Kearny | Shrewsbury | Priv. 6 | Mary } 6 | Margaret } Robert | Johnson } 6 | Bella } Children of the above Rachel | Ditto"

On September 2, 1756, Aaron Burr Sr bought an enslaved Black man named Caesar from John Livingston of New York. At this time, Aaron Burr Sr was serving as the president of Princeton University (then called the College of New Jersey). In consequence of this sale, Caesar would relocate from New York to Princeton. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Know all Men by these Presents, That I John Livingston of the City of New York Merch. For and in Consideration of of the Sum of Eighty Pounds Current money of the Province of New York to me in Hand paid at and before the Ensealing and Delivery of these Presents, by The Rev. Mr. Aaron Burr President of the College of New Jersey the Receipt whereof I do hearby acknowledge, and myself to be therewith fully satisfied, contented and paid: Have Granted, Bargained, Sold, Released, and by these Presents do fully, clearly, and absolutely grant, bargain, sell and release unto the said Mr. Aaron Burr his heirs assigns a Certain Negro Man named Caesar. To Have and to Hold the said Negro Man Caesar unto the said Mr. Aaron Burr his Executors, Administrators and Assigns for ever. And I the said John Livingston for Myself, my Heirs, Executors Administrators, do covenant and agree to and with the above - named Aaron Burr His Executors, Administrators and Assigns, to warrant and defend the Sale of the above - named Negro Man named Caesar against all Persons whatsoever. In Witness whereof I hereunto set my Hand and Seal Second Day of September Annoq; Dom. One Thousand Seven Hundred and Fifty Six Jno Livingston [seal] Sealed and Delivered in the Presence of Jos. Forman John G. Lansing"

On August 13, 1758, a Black man named Prince ran away from his enslaver William Peartree Smith of Elizabethtown (present-day Elizabeth), New Jersey. He went to New York and crossed over King's Bridge heading north from Manhattan Island. At the bridge, he showed a false pass and said that he was enslaved by a butcher in New York City and that he had authorization to go to the country to bring back cattle for the butcher. Prior to this escape, Prince was at one time a resident of Dutchess County in New York's Hudson Valley, where he had been enslaved by a man named Mr. Nixon, and it is possible that Prince was headed toward his old home when he passed King's Bridge. William Peartree Smith, who was a long-time trustee of Princeton University (then called the College of New Jersey), posted a runaway ad seeking Prince. The transcript below is from the August 21, 1758, issue of the New-York Gazette, or, the Weekly Post-Boy newspaper: "RUN away on the 13th of August Instant, from William Peartree Smith Esq; of Elizabeth-Town in New Jersey; A Negro Man called Prince, had on a Leather Cap, Linnen Waistcoat and Breeches, coarse blue Stockings, a thick pair of Shoes, speaks English and Dutch, has lived in Jamaica in the West-Indies with Mr Simon Parsco, and in Dutchess-County, in New York Colony with Mr. Nixon, has been lately seen in New-York, and it is said has passed King's-Bridge, where he shewed a Pass and pretended that he belonged to a Butcher in New-York, and was going into the Country to fetch Cattle for his Master: Whoever secures him in any of his Majesty's Goals, so that his Master may have him again, shall be well rewarded." This ad ran in the paper for three weeks. Then, on September 18, 1758, Smith updated the ad, changing only the last sentence to specify the amount of the reward: "Whoever secures him in any of his Majesty's Goals, so that his Master may have him again, shall have FIVE POUND reward." Considering the timing of this update, it appears that Prince was still at large more than a month after his escape. Prince's fate after September 1758 is uncertain.

John Dumont of Somerset County wrote his will on January 1, 1759, shortly before his death. The abstract of his will, as printed in the Calendar of Wills, Vol. 3, does not mention enslaved people. However, the inventory of his estate listed 9 enslaved Black persons. His estate was appraised and inventoried on February 28, 1759. The following is a copy of the will and inventory abstract as printed in the Calendar of Wills: "1759, Jan. 1. Dunmont, John, of Somerset Co.; will of. Wife, Annatje. Children — John, Peter, Dirck, Abraham, and Femmetje. Real and personal estate. Executors — brother Abraham Dumon and cousin John Brokaw. Witnesses — William Lane, John Davis and Joseph McKenzie. Proved June 6, 1759. Lib. G, p. 120. 1759, Febr. 28. Inventory: Real — home farm of 615 acres, @ £3.10. per acre, £2,152.10; two lots at Rariton Landing, Middlesex Co., £50; a right laid out on the Northbranch, £3.5.4. Personal — £1,073.13.4, incl, bonds, cash and notes, £63.4; 9 negroes, £265; 3 lookingglasses, £4.2; 6 silver spoons and a silver cup, £5.10; 400 bush, of wheat, @ 5s., £100; 50 bush, of Indian corn, @ 2/6, £6.5; book debta, £149.0.6; appraised by Peter Wortman and Matheus ten Sick. 1759, Dec. 27. Abraham Dumon, one of the Executors named above, refuses to serve."

In May 1761, the Philadelphia mercantile firm Willing, Morris, and Company advertised the sale of three Black people, a man and two boys, brought recently from Barbados aboard the ship William and Mary. The sale would take place at Daniel Cooper's Ferry across the Delaware River in New Jersey, where the captives were being kept after disembarking from the ship. The location of Daniel Cooper's ferry terminal is now Federal Street on the waterfront in Camden. In the 18th century, this area was known as Cooper's Ferry and was part of Newton Township. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Just imported from Barbados, in the Ship William and Mary, George Nicholson, Master, and now lodged at Mr. Daniel Cooper’s Ferry, on the Jersey Shore, A Negroe Man, and two New Negroe Boys, who are to be sold by Willing, Morris, and Company. The Purchaser to pay the Duty lately imposed by Act of Assembly, if brought into this Province. Said Willing, Morris, and Company, have also for Sale, Madeira, and an Assortment of other Wines, Rum and Sugar, &c."

On August 11, 1761, an enslaved Black man named Quaco was transported from Philadelphia across the Delaware River to New Jersey by his enslaver, Joseph Carver. He was transported via Daniel Cooper's Ferry. Quaco was shackled in "an iron Collar with two Hooks to it, round his neck" and "a pair of Hand-cuffs with a chain to them, six Feet long." It is not clear from the historical record where Quaco's final destination was supposed to be, and Carver may have sought to sell him in New Jersey. Quaco escaped within days of landing in New Jersey, while he was still shackled. See the related Freedom Seeking event for Quaco. Daniel Cooper's Ferry was located in the area that later became Camden, and it was one of three ferries operated by the Cooper family. This specific ferry was at the foot of present-day Federal Street.

A black man named Quaco ran away from his enslaver, Joseph Carver, in August 1761. The escape took place in the vicinity of Daniel Cooper's Ferry on the Delaware River. The ferry was located across from Philadelphia; today, this would be the area at the foot of Federal Street on the waterfront in Camden City, Camden County. (At the time of this event, before the creation of Camden County, the Cooper's Ferry area was part of Newton Township in Gloucester County.) Joseph Carver published a runaway ad offering a reward of 40 shillings (i.e., 2 pounds) for Quaco's return and asking those with information about Quaco to send a message to Joseph Carver at Daniel Cooper's Ferry. The ad noted that Quaco was shackled in iron chains around his neck and wrists when he made his escape. Joseph Carver believed that Quaco was trying to get back to Philadelphia from where he had recently been taken and brought to New Jersey. The advertisement did not specify where Joseph Carver was taking Quaco and whether Carver was a resident of New Jersey. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Run-away from the Subscriber a Negro Man named Quaco about five feet eight inches high, marked in the Face with sundry short strokes; Had on when he went away an old Light coloured Coat, old torn shirt, a white Pair of Trowsers, a pair of new shoes, with a Pair of brass Buckles in it, and a Pair of light coloured yarn Stockings: The said Negro had an iron Collar with two Hooks to it, round his neck, a pair of Hand-cuffs with a chain to them, six Feet long. Whosoever takes up said Negro and confines him to any Gaol, or conveys him to his Master shall have Forty Shillings Reward and all Necessary charges paid by me Joseph Carver. N.B. It is supposed that he will make for Philadelphia, for he was taken from thence the 11th Instant. The Negro talks broken English. He is of a black complexion, and a lusty fellow. All persons are forbid harbouring said Negro, if they do, they must expect penalty of the Law. Please to enquire for the Owner at Daniel Cooper's Ferry."

The memoirs of Black Quaker William Boen, published after his death, indicate that his enslaver set him free at age 28 or later, but the exact date and location of his manumission is not stated. The name of Boen's enslaver is not known, and he is only referred to as "my old master" in the text. The manumission presumably took place in Northampton Township, which then encompassed Rancocas and Mount Holly — the areas most closely associated with William Boen's life story. The following relevant passages from the memoirs provide clues about the circumstances of his manumission. Page 6, discussing William Boen's embrace of Christian faith and the changes it brought to his life: "Another inquiry was made of William, how he and his old master got along together, after his change. He said, "Very well. Some time afterwards, one of his neighbours said to me, one day, 'William, thy master talks of setting thee free.' I did'nt think much about it--did'nt expect there was any thing in it; though I heard others say he talked of setting me free;--till, after some time, as my master was walking with me, going to my work, he said, 'William, would'nt thee like to be free?' I did'nt say any thing to it. I thought he might know I should like to be free. I did'nt make him any answer about it, but then I thought there was something in it. So after awhile, sure enough, he did set me free." Page 15 mentions the age of 28 as a significant turning point: "About the twenty-eighth year of his age, he contracted for his freedom." No further details are provided about the specific arrangement between William Boen and his old master. William Boen may have gained freedom at age 28 or several years later. In New Jersey, the promise of freedom was often carried out through an indenture agreement whereby an enslaved person had to work for a certain number of years before they would be released from bondage. William Boen would have been 28 years old around 1763.

The memoirs of Black Quaker William Boen, published after his death, indicate that he married a woman when he was about 28 years old. His wife's name is not mentioned in the pamphlet. He was, at this time in his life, transitioning from slavery to freedom. The event presumably took place in Northampton Township, which then encompassed Rancocas and Mount Holly — the areas most closely associated with William Boen's life story. Later in life, he became a member of the Mount Holly meeting. Although a devout Quaker, William Boen was not admitted to membership in the Society of Friends until much later in life. His marriage did not take place at a monthly meeting, but was solemnized in the Quaker tradition at the home of a local friend. John Woolman, a prominent Quaker abolitionist in Mount Holly, played a pivotal role in arranging the marriage and issuing a marriage certificate to William Boen and his wife. The following passage in the memoirs describes the event (page 15): "About the twenty-eighth year of his age, he contracted for his freedom; and having entered into marriage engagements with a woman in the neighbourhood, but not being, at that time, a member of our society, he was straitened in his mind how to accomplish it; as he was fully convinced of our testimony in that respect. In this difficulty, he made known his situation to our friend, John Woolman, who, to relieve him, had a number of persons convened at a friend's house, where they were married after the manner of our society, and a certificate to that effect, furnished them by those present. About this time he made application to become a member of our society; but way not opening in Friend's minds, he was not received, but encouraged to continue faithful; which we believe he did, from the account we have of nearly his whole life."

Phill, a Black woman or girl, ran away from Samuel Hallett of Hallett's Cove (present-day Astoria, Queens, New York) around June 1763. Her age at the time of this event is unknown. Phill's primary enslaver was James Neilson of New Brunswick, New Jersey, and it is unclear how long Phill was living with or working for Samuel Hallett in New York prior to her escape. A runaway advertisement offering a reward of twenty shillings for Phill's capture and return was published in the newspaper called The New-York Gazette, or, the Weekly Post-Boy on June 16, 1763. In addition to Samuel Hallett and James Neilson, the ad mentioned that Phill could be brought to James Abeel in New York if she was captured. James Abeel was the husband of James Neilson's niece Gertrude Neilson Abeel, and evidently he was ready to assist James Neilson in capturing Phill. The full text of the runaway ad follows below: "RUN away, last Night, from Samuel Hallett, of Hallett's Cove, a Negro Girl, named Phill, belonging to James Neilson, Esq; of New-Brunswick, about five Feet high, well made, and pretty Black. Whoever will take up and secure the said Wench, or bring her to said Hallett, or James Abeel, in New-York, or to her said Master, at New-Brunswick, shall receive TWENTY SHILLINGS Reward, and all reasonable Charges, by either of the above mentioned Persons."

Around March 1764, a servant man named Thomas Osburn (alias Thomas Hardsburn) ran away from William Nalls near Princeton, New Jersey. The exact date of his escape is not known. On March 15, 1764, a white man named George Campbell of Princeton issued a runaway notice offering a reward of 5 pounds for Thomas's capture. The referred to William Nalls as Thomas Osburn's master and noted that Thomas should be returned either to William Nalls or to George Campbell. Thomas Osburn's race was not explicitly stated in the ad, but he was described as having a brown complexion. ----- Transcript of the source document: "March 15. RUN-away from William Nalls, near Princeton, in east New Jersey; a servant named Thomas Osburn, alias Thomas Hardsburn, about 21 or 22 years of age, thick built, smooth face, brown complexion, wears his own hair and talks pretty thick: Had on when he went away, a brown short double breasted coat, blue under jacket, buckskin breeches, with brass buckles in his shoes, and an old felt hatt; he took with him, a small parcel of silk handkerchiefs which it is supposed he will offer to sale. Whoever takes up the said servant and secures him in any of his Majesty's goals, or brings him to his said master, or to Mr. George Campbell at Princeton, shall have a reward of Five Pounds paid by GEORGE CAMPBELL. All persons are forbid to harbour or carry him off at their peril. All well disposed persons are requested to cut out this advertisement and put it up at the most public places."

On July 1, 1764, Silas (called Sy for short) ran away from his enslaver Isaac Coats, a brickmaker in Philadelphia. This was the first of many runaway attempts by Silas documented in the Philadelphia Journal newspaper. ----- Transcript of the source document: "July 12. RUN-away the 1st inst. from Isaac Coats, brick-maker in Philadelphia. A Negro boy of a yellowish colour, about 12 years of age, named Sy, a thickset fellow. Had on when he went away an oznabrigs shirt and trowsers, and a double breasted grey jacket. Whoever takes up and brings said negro boy to his master, shall have FIFTEEN SHILLINGS reward, paid by ISAAC COATS. N.B. All masters of vessels and others are forbid on their peril, to harbour or carry him off."

A Black boy named Silas (called Sy for short) was apprehended after running away from his enslaver, Isaac Coats of Philadelphia. He originally ran away on July 1, 1764, and he was still at large as of July 12. The exact date and place of his capture are uncertain, but we know that Silas was captured because later historical records place him again at Isaac Coats's home in Philadelphia.

The following is the abstract of the will of Samuel Finley, president of the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University) as printed in the Calendar of Wills, Vol. 4: "1766, June 25. Finley, Samuel, of Somerset Co.; will of. President of College of Princeton. Daughter, Rebecca Breese, a negro girl, Peg. Rest of real and personal to be sold, except the annuity that shall arise from the Corporation of the Widows’ Fund; and 1/3 of: that annuity I give to my wife, Ann; and I also give her 1/3 of the rest of my estate. The remaining 2/3 from the Fund and the estate I give to my children, Joseph, Susannah, Samuel, John, Ebenezer and Edward, when they come of age. Executors—my wife, Ann, my son-in-law, Samuel Breese, of Newark, and friend, Richard Stockton, of Princeton. Witnesses—James Thomson, Samuel Blair, Daniel Roberdeau. Proved July 22, 1766. Lib. 12, p. 43"

On July 31, 1766, a sale advertisement for six Black people was published in a Philadelphia newspaper called the Pennsylvania Journal. These six people would be sold at public auction on August 19, 1766, in Princeton. The advertisers also indicated that they were willing to arrange a private sale before the auction date. These six enslaved people were sold for the estate of Samuel Finely, the late president of Princeton University (then called the College of New Jersey). The advertisers were two men. One was Samuel Breese of New York, the late president's son-in-law and executor of his estate. The second man was listed as "Jonathan Seargeant, jun. in Princeton," who was not an executor but was brokering the sales in Princeton. This probably refers to Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant, a 20-year-old Princeton alumnus. His father, Jonathan Sergeant, was also affiliated with Princeton University and living in Princeton at this time, but since the ad specified "junior," we can infer that the younger Jonathan was the one who placed the ad. The auction was to take place at the President's House in Princeton where Finley had resided. Household furniture, cattle, tools, and books would be sold at the same time. Samuel Finley's widow, who had lived at the President's House with him, was Ann Finley née Clarkson. Her name was not mentioned in the advertisement, but Finley's will mentioned her and noted that she would receive 1/3 of the proceeds of the estate. ------ Transcript of the sale advertisement: "July 31 TO BE SOLD, At public vendue, on the 19th of August next, at the presidents house in Princeton, all the personal estate of the late Revd. Dr. SAMUEL FINLEY, consisting of, TWO Negro women, a negro man, and three Negro children, houshold furniture, horses, and neat cattle, a light wagon, a new chaise, a sleigh, some hay, and grain, together with a variety of farming utensils. Also a choice collection of books, religious, moral and historical, containing the complete library of the deceased. The Negroes will be disposed of at private sale previous to the day appointed for the vendue, should a suitable price be offered for them, The Negro woman understands all kinds of house work, and the Negro man is well fitted for the business of farming in all its branches. The conditions of the vendue will be made known on the day of sale. All those that are indebted to the said estate by bond, note, or book debts, are desired to make immediate payment to the subscribers, and such as have any demands against the estate are desired to send in their accounts properly attested to. JONATHAN SEARGEANT, jun. in Princeton, or SAMUEL BREESE, Executor, in New York."

Four Black children named Dinah, Daniel, Chloe, and Phillis, all enslaved by Isabella Kearney, were baptized at the Christ Church in Shrewsbury in August 1766. The names of the children's parents were not recorded in the church register. At the time of this event, Isabella Kearney was the proprietor of a farm in the area of Marsh's Bog (present-day Farmingdale), Monmouth County, NJ, and it can be inferred that the children lived there.

Friday, son of Dinah, was born on May 29, 1767. His date of birth was recorded in the diary of the Rev. Oliver Hart, who purchased the boy and his mother four years later in Charleston, South Carolina. The name of Friday's enslaver at the time of his birth is uncertain. It can be inferred that he was probably born in South Carolina, but his exact place of birth was not recorded in Hart's diary. ----- Transcript of the source document: "[page 6] Dinah and her son Friday were bought April ye 9th 1771. Dinah was then supposed to be about twenty years of age. Friday was born May ye 29th 1767. The two cost 356 pounds."

On June 10, 1769, two young Black men named Ben and Jack together escaped from their enslavers. Ben was enslaved by Leffert Waldron of Three Mile Run and Jack was enslaved by Ernestus Van Harlingen of Millstone. Two days later, the enslavers submitted a runaway ad to the New-York Journal newspaper, jointly offering a reward for Ben and Jack. ----- Transcript of the source document: "June 12, 1769 Run-away on Saturday the 10th of this Instant, from Leffert Waldron, at the 3 Mile Run, near New Brunswick, a yellowish Negro, named Ben, about 19 years old, about 5 feet 2 inches high, bushy Hair, speaks both low Dutch and English: Had on when he went away, a brown homespun Coat, with white Metal buttons, new homespun breeches, Felt Hat and sundry other Clothes. Also, at the same time, run away, a Negro Fellow, from Ernestus Van Harlingen, at Millstone, in the County of Somersett, at the Court-House, named Jack, about 21 years old, about 5 feet 9 inches high, well built, also yellowish, speaks both Dutch and English: Had on when he went away, a blue coat, brown jacket, half worn Leather Breeches and Felt Hat. Whoever will take up said Negroes and secure them so that their Masters may have them again, shall have Six Dollars reward if taken within the Province and Seven Dollars if taken without the Province, or half for each, paid by us. Leffert Waldron and Ernestus Van Harlingen."

In March 1770, a young Black man named Silas ran away from his enslaver, Isaac Coats, a brickmaker in Philadelphia. On April 19, 1770, Isaac Coats posted a runaway ad for Silas, noting that Silas had been absent for about four weeks and was seen in Burlington, New Jersey, where he was part of a group of Black chimney sweeps who worked in the city. This was one of many escape attempts that Silas made from Isaac Coats. Following the publication of this runaway ad, Silas was apprehended, and he would go on to run away again in August of the same year. ----- Transcript of the source document: "RUN-AWAY, About four weeks since, from the subscriber, living in Vine street; A Negro Lad, about the age of seventeen years, named Silas, he is of a yellow cast, and by trade a chimney sweep; he is well set, about five feet high, was lately seen loitering about the streets of the city of Burlington, in company with several negro lads, also chimney sweeps; Had on a homespun jacket, a pair of blue trowsers with his blanket, and is an oily tongu'd chap very apt to drink. Whoever will secure the said fellow, and send him to me, shall receive a reward of FIFTEEN SHILLINGS, and all reasonable charges. April 19. ISAAC COATS, Brickmaker."

A young Black man named Silas was apprehended after running away from his enslaver, Isaac Coats of Philadelphia. He originally ran away in March 1770, and he was still at large four weeks later when his enslaver published a runaway ad on April 19, 1770. He was captured sometime after this date and before August 1770 (when he would make another escape attempt). Silas was seen in Burlington, New Jersey, where he worked as a chimney sweep and kept company with several other Black men who were also engaged in that trade. He was probably apprehended there in Burlington, although the location where he was captured has not been definitively confirmed.

Around August 1770, Silas (called Sy for short) ran away from his enslaver, Isaac Coats, a brickmaker in Philadelphia. On August 23, 1770, Isaac Coats posted a runaway ad for Silas, offering a reward for his capture and noting that Silas was skilled as a chimney sweep. This was one of many escape attempts that Silas made from Isaac Coats. Where he went in August 1770 is uncertain, but he may have gone to New Jersey because, during his other escape attempts, he was seen multiple times in Burlington, where he worked as a chimney sweep and had a group of friends who were in that trade. Following the publication of this runaway ad, Silas was apprehended, and he would go on to run away again in January of the next year. ----- Transcript of the source document: "RUN AWAY from the subscriber, living in Vine street, a Negro boy, named SY, of a yellow cast, about 5 feet high, well set and active, chews tobacco, and loves strong drink; Had on when he went away, a tow shirt and trowsers, and a blue woollen cap; he has been a chimney sweep, and it's very likely he may take up that trade again. Whoever takes up and secures said Negro, so that his master may have him again, shall have TWO DOLLARS reward, and reasonable charges, paid by ISAAC COATS brickmaker, in Vine-street. August 23."

Following his escape from enslaver Isaac Coats in August of 1770, a young Black man named Silas (called Sy for short) was once again apprehended and brought back to Philadelphia. This was one of several escape attempts that ended in capture for Silas. The exact date and location of this capture event is uncertain. It took place sometime in the fall of 1770, or possibly early winter. Little is known about his whereabouts during this particular escape attempt, but we know that his previous and subsequent escapes took him to New Jersey, particularly to Burlington, where he worked as a chimney sweep. Whether he was apprehended in Burlington this time is not known.

On January 29, 1771, a young Black man named Silas once again ran away from his enslaver Isaac Coats, a brickmaker living in Philadelphia on Vine Street. Silas went to New Jersey and was seen in the area of Burlington within days of his escape. His enslaver also suspected that he would go towards Princeton because, evidently, Silas knew the road to Princeton and had been there before. Isaac Coats placed a runaway advertisement for Silas offering a reward of two dollars, which was originally printed in the Philadelphia Journal newspaper on February 7, 1771, and which is transcribed below. The ad printed the runaway's name as "Say"; this may be a typographical error intended to be "Sy" as Silas was frequently called in other sources. Subsequent sources reveal that Silas managed to evade capture in New Jersey for at least two months before he was apprehended and brought back to Philadelphia. See related events for details about Silas's movements and his many escape attempts. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TWO DOLLARS Reward. RUN-AWAY, on the 29th of January last from the subscriber, living in Vine-Street, a Negro Boy named Say, of a yellow cast about 16 years of age, 5 Feet high, this country born, by trade a Chimney Sweeper; chews Tobacco, and loves Rum. He was seen last Saturday in Burlington and very like he may go towards Princeton as he has been that road before. Whoever takes up the above described Negro boy and secures him so that his Master may have him again, shall have the above Reward and all reasonable Charges paid by me ISAAC COATS."

On or about February 9, 1771, a young Black freedom seeker named Silas (called Sy for short) was seen at the house of Richard Tennent, an innkeeper in Trenton. Information about Silas's whereabouts in New Jersey comes from an updated runaway notice that his enslaver Isaac Coats submitted to the Pennsylvania Journal on March 7, 1771. A transcript of this ad is below. Silas was a fugitive from slavery who had run away from Isaac Coats in January 1771 and went to New Jersey. Isaac Collins originally posted a $2 reward for Silas; and then on March 7, 1771, he posted a follow-up runaway notice providing more details about Silas and increasing the reward to $6. Note that this was one of many escape attempts that Silas made from Isaac Coats. Between January and March 1771, various people in New Jersey reported to Isaac Coats that they saw Silas there. Silas used his skills as a chimney sweep to make a living in New Jersey for several weeks. He was seen in Burlington and then went to Trenton where he encountered (and possibly worked for) Richard Tennent, the innkeeper. Although Isaac Coats originally suspected that Silas would go to Princeton, the March 7 runaway ad does not mention that he was seen in Princeton, although it does say that he was seen "in other places in the Jerseys" and this may include Princeton. The March 7 ad reported that Silas had with him forged paperwork that said he was a free-born man. He allegedly set out to New York by way of New Brunswick. ----- Transcript of the source document: "SIX DOLLARS REWARD. SY, a Negro slave, of a yellow or copper-coloured complexion, having been RUN AWAY from the subscriber his master, in Philadelphia, for about eight weeks past, part of which time he has been sweeping chimneys or lurking about Burlington, and since in other places in the Jerseys, and was at Trenton at the house of Richard Tennent, inn-keeper, on or about the 9th or 10th of last month, from whence he proceeded on towards New-York, and said he would go through New-Brunswick, having with him a forged pass setting forth his being born free, and at present a freeman: THEREFORE the above reward shall be paid to any person or persons that will secure the said slave in any of his Majesty's gaols, or otherwise send him to his master in Philadelphia, together with reasonable charges. All persons are forbid to harbour the said slave, masters of vessels and others are forwarned not to take him away, as they will suffer the same according to law. ISAAC COATS, Brick-maker, March 7. § Living in Vine-street, Philadelphia."

Following his escape from enslaver Isaac Coats, a young Black man named Silas was once again apprehended and returned to Philadelphia. Silas ran away from Philadelphia on January 29, 1771, and he remained at large for at least two months in New Jersey. He was captured sometime between the end of March and the end of June 1771. The exact location of Silas's capture is uncertain. He was most likely apprehended in New Jersey (where he was seen for several weeks working as a chimney sweep in the vicinity of Burlington and Trenton) or in New York (where he was reportedly planning to go by way of New Brunswick after he obtained false freedom papers). This was one of the many events in the cycle of escapes and captures that Silas experienced as he relentlessly sought to free himself from bondage. This was at least the fourth time that Silas ran away and was captured. After Silas was apprehended in the spring or summer of 1771, he was forced to wear an iron collar, which he would continue wearing all the time after his return to Philadelphia. See related events for additional information about Silas and his escape attempts.

A Black woman named Dinah (aged 20) and her son Friday (aged 3 years and 10 months), were purchased by the Rev. Oliver Hart on April 9, 1771, in Charleston, South Carolina. Hart recorded the sale in his diary, but did not write down the name of Dinah and Friday's seller in the diary. ----- Transcript of the source document: "[page 6] Dinah and her son Friday were bought April ye 9th 1771. Dinah was then supposed to be about twenty years of age. Friday was born May ye 29th 1767. The two cost 356 pounds."

A Black man named Peter ran away from his enslaver Patrick Simpson, who had a plantation on Edisto Island in South Carolina. Peter escaped around May 1771 and was still at large a year later. It appears that Peter's enslaver believed that Peter may have gone to Pennsylvania or New Jersey. A New York merchant firm called Hallett and Hazard placed a runaway advertisement in a Philadelphia newspaper on behalf of the enslaver offering a reward of $10 for Peter's capture in any jail in Pennsylvania or New Jersey. A man named Peter Gordon served as the a contact point for the enslaver in Princeton and another man named Peter Wikoff served as a contact point in Philadelphia. ----- Transcript of the source document: "New-York, May 11th, 1772. Ten Dollars Reward. Runaway from the plantation of Mr. Patrick Simpson, on Edisto, near Charles-Town, in South-Carolina, a Negro Man, named Peter, of a yellow complexion, middle aged, and about five feet seven inches high. Had on when he run away, which was near twelve months ago, a green pea jacket, and check shirt: He is a sensible, plausible fellow, and talks very proper English. Whoever will apprehend said negro, and secure him in any goal in Pennsylbania or New-Jersey, and give notice thereof to Mr. Peter Wikoff in Philadelphia, or Mr. Peter Gordon in Princeton, shall be paid the above reward and all reasonable charged by Hallett and Hazard."

On Monday morning, June 24, 1771, Silas (a young Black man aged about 16 years) ran away from his enslaver, Isaac Coats (a brickmaker who lived on Vine Street in Philadelphia). At the time of his escape, Silas was wearing an iron collar around his neck. This shackle marked him as a slave and a fugitive, and he attempted to hide it under a jacket with a high collar. This iron collar was placed on Silas after he had made several escape attempts. (During his prior escapes, Silas had lived in New Jersey and passed as a free man before he was apprehended and brought back to Philadelphia in shackles.) The enslaver Isaac Coats posted a runaway ad offering a reward of $2 on June 27, 1771, but the ad did not actually list the name of the runaway. However, we are able to connect this ad to Silas (also called Sy for short) because the description matches six other runaway ads where Isaac Coats provided more details about him. Whether Silas attempted to go to New Jersey this time is unknown. He was eventually apprehended again. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TWO DOLLARS REWARD. RUN AWAY last Monday morning, from ISAAC COATS, a Negro Slave, of a yellow or copper-coloured complexion, 16 years old, 5 feet high, well set, this country born, chews tobacco, and loves strong liquor; had on when he went away an iron collar, which he endeavors to hide with a striped lincey jacket, tow shirt and trowsers; He has been seen lurking about town. Whoever secures the said negro, so that his master may have him again, shall have the above reward, and all reasonable charges. ISAAC COATS, Brick-maker, in Vine-Street, Philadelphia. N.B. All persons are forbid to harbour him, and masters of vessels and others are forewarned not to carry him off at their peril. § June 27."

A young Black man named Silas (called Sy for short) was apprehended after running away from his enslaver, Isaac Coats, of Philadelphia. He had run away in June 1771 and was apprehended sometime before January 1772. The exact date and place of his capture are uncertain, but we know that Silas was captured because later historical records place him again at Isaac Coats's home in Philadelphia. This was one of the many events in the cycle of escapes and captures that Silas experienced as he relentlessly sought to free himself from bondage. See related events for additional information about Silas and his escape attempts.

Ukawsaw Gronniosaw published his autobiography in approximately 1772 in England where he lived by this time as a free man. In his book, he recounted the details of his life, including his years in slavery in the Raritan River Valley in New Jersey. The title of the book is: A Narrative of the Most Remarkable Particulars in the Life of James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African Prince, As related by Himself. This is one of the earliest autobiographies published by a formerly enslaved person and the first such book to be published in England.

On January 13, 1772, a young Black man named Silas (or Sy) ran away from his enslaver Isaac Coats, a brickmaker in Philadelphia. At the time of his escape, Silas was wearing an iron collar around his neck. This shackle marked him as a slave and a fugitive, and he attempted to hide it under a jacket with a high collar. Silas was forced to start wearing this iron shackle in 1771 after he had made several escape attempts. During his prior escapes, Silas had lived in New Jersey and passed as a free man before he was apprehended and brought back to Philadelphia in shackles. Whether Silas attempted to go to New Jersey this time is unknown. This is the last of seven runaway ads related to Silas found in the Philadelphia Journal newspaper. His fate after this event is uncertain. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Run away, on the 13th Instant. A Negro LAD, about 17 years of age, named SY, about 5 feet high, of a yellow cast, well-set, this country born, a smooth tongued chap; he used to follow chimney sweeping, and I hear he has taken to that employ again: He had on when he went away, an old ozenbrigs shirt; a new light coloured broadcloth jacket, lined with red baize, with one pocket; a pair of brown woolen trowsers; good stockings and shoes, with an iron collar about his neck, which he endeavours to hide by something rapped around it, and covered with an old light coloured great-coat. Whosoever takes up the above described Negro, shall have TWO DOLLARS reward, and all reasonable charges, paid by me ISAAC COATS, Brick-maker, in Philadelphia. N.B. All persons are hereby forewarned not to barbour him at their peril. January 23."

In 1774, a Black man named Costant ran away from his enslaver John Williams Sanders, near Princeton, New Jersey. Costant was 26 years old and accustomed to working as a domestic servant. The enslaver supposed that Costant had a forged pass and planned to go to New York or Philadelphia to board a ship bound for the West Indies. Sanders published a runaway ad offering a reward for Costant's return and warning shipmasters not take Costant on board. The enslaver listed multiple associates in Philadelphia, New York, and Elizabethtown who were ready to assist him in apprehending Costant. The exact date of Costant's escape is uncertain. It occurred before November 7, 1774, when the runaway ad appeared in the paper. ----- Transcript of the source document: "EIGHT DOLLARS Reward. RUN-away from the subscriber, living near Princeton in New-Jersey, a negro man named COSTANT, about the age of twenty-six; he is a well-built, likely, black, active, sensible fellow, and has been accustomed to attend a gentleman : Had on, and took with him the following cloaths, viz. Two brown broad cloth coats, one of them too large and long for him, with silver plated buttons, the other very short, with plain buttons ; a blue surtout coat ; one brown holland and one fustian short coat ; one pair of fustian, and one ditto of leather breeches; one pair of striped, and one ditto of check trowsers. one fustian, one striped gingham, and two white waist-coats; one pair of old boots : a pair of new and a pair of old shoes, with a pair of neat pinchbeck buckles ; one or two old beaver hats, cut in the fashion; two white and three check shirts, with sundry other things. Whoever takes up and secures said negro in any of his Majesty's goals, so that his master may get him again, shall receive the above reward, with all reasonable charges, by applying to the subscriber, near Princeton, to Dr. Samuel Duffield at Philadelphia, to Mr. Lloyd Daubney at New-York, or to Dr. Bates Williams Peterson, near Elizabeth-Town. JOHN WILLIAMS SANDERS N.B. It is imagined he may have a forged pass, and go towards New-York or Philadelphia, with a view of procuring a passage to the West-Indies, from whence he came ; therefore all master of vessels or others, are forewarned not to take him off, or any ways harbour him at their peril. He is learning to play on, and is very fond of the fiddle."

On September 19, 1774, a 27-year-old Black man named Peet ran away from his enslaver Aaron Longstreet Jr of Princeton, NJ. He evaded capture until at least November 8, when his enslaver submitted a runaway ad for Peet to a New York newspaper. The ad appeared in the newspaper, called the New-York Gazette, and the Weekly Mercury, for a month and a half until December 26, 1774. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Princeton, November 8th, 1774. FOUR DOLLARS Reward. RAN away from the subscriber, on Monday the 19th of September last, a Negro man named PEET, about 27 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, yellow complexion; he has a large scar on one side of his neck, and another on his head, occasioned by a cut with a knife: Had on and took with him a brown broadcloth coat and waist coat, tow trowsers, a red great coat, a pair of drilling breeches, and a fustian coat and waistcoat. Whoever takes up said Negro, and secures him in any of his Majesty’s goals so that his master may have him again, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid by AARON LONGSTREET, jun."

On January 30, 1775, enslaver Richard Paterson advertised the sale of a Black man and two boys, along with the sale of several real estate properties in Princeton, NJ. Richard Paterson (the father of famous New Jersey statesman William Paterson) was a merchant who maintained a general store in Princeton since the 1750s. In 1775 he decided to close his business, which is what precipitated the sale. No identifying information or ages were listed in the sale ad for the man and the two boys. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TO BE SOLD, By the subscriber, at private sale, the following houses and lots of land, in Princeton, in the Province of New-Jersey. The house the subscriber now lives in, built of stone, and two stories high, in length 53 feet, and 30 in breadth; there are on the first floor five rooms, with a fire place in every room, one of which was formed for a store, and is excellently adapted for that purpose, being 18 feet in front, and 30 feet in depth. The second floor contains six rooms, with fire places in three of them. A commodious cellar runs under the greater part of the building, and a large convenient garret over the whole. This house may easily be converted into two distinct tenements. A kitchen 22 feet long and 16 wide; a negro-house, a well, a garden, and convenient yard. A barn, a stable, and a chair-house under one roof, 50 feet long and 20 wide, fixed on stone pedestals, and covered and inclosed with cedar. A brick house, two stories high, two rooms on the first floor, and three on the second; a good garret, and a cellar-kitchen, that extends under the whole house. To this belongs a lot containing one acre of land. A small frame house, with a well and garden. Forty-eight acres of good, cleared, and well improved land adjoining the said town. The land is divided into four fields, in proper sense; 12 acres of which is meadow, yielding yearly about 12 tons of hay, chiefly lover and spear-grass. The rest of the land is equally good for pasture or tillage. A constant stream of water runs through the meadow-ground, which may, at little expence, be so turned, as to wash and fertilize every part of it. Little need be said of a village so well known as Princeton, situated about mid-way between the cities of New-York and Philadelphia, and in the heart of a fertile thriving country, its advantages in point of trade must necessarily be many and great. This cannot fail of recommending it to traders. Nor is it less inviting to persons fond of an elegant retreat, or of having their children pass through a course of education under their own immediate care and inspection. Princeton is seated on a beautiful eminence, commanding an extensive prospect, and so remarkably healthful, that several gentlemen, perhaps on that account chiefly, have made choice of it as the place of their abode. Surrounded too by an agreeable set of neighbours, it has every requisite to render retirement easy and delightful. The stone house already described, consisting of several apartments, and being within an hundred years of the college, would suit extremely a person disposed to let lodgings and take in boarders. The purchaser of the whole, or of any part of the premises, must pay down one half of the purchase money; for the other half easy payments will be given. The title is unquestionable. The subscriber hath for sale, an assortment of DRY GOODS, which he will dispose of at a low rate for cash, country produce, or short credit. Also a Negro man and two Negro boys. The subscriber requests all persons indebted to him on bond, note, or book account, to make immediate payment. He is desirous of quitting business, and closing his affairs. To pay those to whom he is indebted, it is necessary that those should first pay who are indebted to him. RICHARD PATERSON."

Ukawsaw Gronniosaw died on September 28, 1775, several years after publishing his autobiography where he recounted his life in slavery in the home of the Rev. Theodorus Jacobs Frelinghuysen in the Raritan River Valley in New Jersey. Gronniosaw was approximately 65 to 70 years old when he died. The following is the complete text of Gronniosaw's obituary published on October 2, 1775, in the newspaper called Chester Chronicle, or, Commercial Intelligencer: "On Thursday died, in this city, aged 70, James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African prince, of Zoara. He left the country in the early part of his life, with a view to acquire proper notions of the Divine Being, and the worship due to Him. He met with many trials and embarrassments, was much afflicted and persecuted. His last moments exhibited that cheerful serenity which, at such a time, is the certain effect of a thorough conviction of the great truths of Christianity. He published a narrative of his life."

A receipt found in the Van Dike Family Papers, 1711–1838 (MC 505), notes that a Black man named Harry, who was enslaved by Jacob Van Dike, had been "carried off by the followers of the British army" in 1776. The circumstances of this event are uncertain, and it is unclear whether Harry was taken by the Loyalists against his will or went with them willingly to escape from his enslaver. It appears that Harry was then with the British troops for several years before he was captured and returned to his enslaver. The exact location of this 1776 event is uncertain, but it probably took place around Ten Mile Run or Rocky Hill; this is the area where Jacob Van Dike lived in the 18th century.

An article published in 1798 recounted a story of sexual violence that took place during the Revolutionary War. The victim of violence was a Black woman who was enslaved by Edward Hunt, but the woman's name was not recorded in the article. These events took place during the British occupation of Pennington village, Hunterdon County (in present-day Mercer County), around 1776. The British soldiers were the perpetrators of violence. As a result of repeated abuse, the Black woman became pregnant and then had a miscarriage. The article was penned by "A Jersey Militia-Man" from Hopewell and was originally published in the Herald of Liberty (Washington, Pennsylvania) in 1798. The narrative was later reprinted in other newspapers, including in the Centinel of Freedom (Newark, New Jersey). A transcript of the pertinent passage from the article is provided below. For the full text of this article, see the linked source. "At Pennington (a village about eight miles N. E. of Trenton) a detachment of them were quartered. Here they became notorious and terrible to the inhabitants, for every possible species of rapine, pillage and violence. It was a known circumstance, that they abused all females, who were so unfortunate as to fall within their fancy or power. It would be indelicate and improper to wound the feelings of many, by mentioning names, well known in that neighborhood, of innocent sufferers, who became victims to their infernal lust and brutality; and whose friends were obliged to be the patient, terrified spectators of such horrid outrage. Edward Hunt had a negro wench successively abused by a band of them, crying to her master for relief, while some threatened him with instant violence, if he would offer to attempt to interpose. The poor wench miscarried after the abuse."

On November 30, 1777, Thomas Bullman issued a receipt to Colonel John Neilson (1745-1833) for 55 pounds for the sale of an enslaved Black man at public auction. The name of this Black man was not recorded on the receipt, but the document mentioned that the man was "taken from the enemy" and then sold at public vendue (i.e. auction). The receipt was issued in Elizabethtown. Neilson probably became the man's new legal owner; however, the receipt does not clarify whether Neilson purchased the man for himself or for someone else. Other archival documents from the Revolutionary War era in the Neilson Family Papers indicate that John Neilson bought and sold enslaved people during the war for himself and for others. This document was issued during the Revolutionary War, and the Black man mentioned had been captured by the New Jersey militia from the enemy, i.e. from a Loyalist enslaver. During the war, the New Jersey militia routinely captured enslaved men and women who belonged to Loyalist enslavers in New York and New Jersey. The Patriots typically sold these enslaved persons to the highest bidder at a public auction to raise money for the war effort. --- The following is a full transcript of the receipt: [FRONT] Elizh Town } 
Novr 30th 1777 } Receiv’d of Col John Neilson Fifty-five Pounds for a negro Man taken from the the Enemy & Sold Of Publick Vendue this Day — 
Thos. Bullman
 
Rec-d 30th Novr. 1777 of Col Neilson Four pounds four Shillings for 2 Handkerchiefs. bougt. at Vendue by Col Runyon 
Thos. Bullman
 [BACK] 
Bullman paid 
For Negro & handfs
 30 Nov 1777

Rev. Jacob Rutsen Hardenbergh (1736-1790), first president of Queen's College (later Rutgers), mentioned a Black man in a letter to his father Col. Johannes Hardenbergh (1706-1786) written on December 6, 1777. The letter was sent from Hardenbergh's parsonage in Raritan (present-day Somerville), and was likely sent to Rosendale, NY, where his father lived. Written in Dutch, the letter states "Schrijve dese wynige in haast, wijl de neger gereet maakt om af te gaan." The English translation is: "Writing these words in a hurry while the negro is getting ready to leave." These words most likely refer to an enslaved Black man who was working at Hardenbergh's parsonage at this time; the man's name is not recorded.

On August 20th, 1778, Prime ran away from his enslaver, the Loyalist surgeon Absalom Bainbridge, who was at that time residing in Flatbush, Kings County, New York. Following his escape, Prime returned to Princeton, New Jersey, where he had previously resided with the Bainbridge family. He went on to work for the American troops and would eventually gain freedom for his service in the Revolutionary War. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Two Guineas Reward. RUN away from the subscriber the 20th instant, a Mulatto Negro Boy, named PRIME, 23 years old, about five feet five or six inches high, his hair of a remarkable light colored woolly kind. Whoever secures said Boy: and will inform, or deliver him to the subscriber at Flatbush, Long-Island, or to Mr. John Taylor, in Queen Street, No. 15, shall be entitled to the above reward. All matters of vessels and inhabitants are forewarned to carry him off, or conceal him, as they ill answer to the consequences. A. BAINBRIDGE, Surgeon, N.J.V."

Circa 1780, during the Revolutionary War, a man named Peter escaped from his enslaver Robert Stockton of Princeton, New Jersey. He was about 20 years old at this time. Peter made his way to the British troops in New York where he was able to attain freedom for his loyalty to the British. Peter's name was listed as "Peter Stogdon" in the records of the British Loyalists, Stogdon being a common alternative spelling of Stockton.

On the night of May 20, 1780, during the Revolutionary War, a Black man named Michael Hoy escaped from his enslaver Colonel George Morgan. Hoy was in his 40s. He escaped from Morgan's estate called the Prospect Farm, which was adjacent to Princeton University (then called the College of New Jersey) and which is now part of the Princeton campus. Michael Hoy took a horse from his enslaver, and Morgan supposed that Hoy was acting as an informant and carrying letters or intelligence to the British troops in New York. Morgan also believed that Michael Hoy was traveling with a white accomplice and that they also stole a second horse from the "Rev. Mr. Smith" of Princeton, which appears to refer to Princeton professor (and later president) Samuel Stanhope Smith. Morgan and Smith posted rewards for the return of Michael Hoy and the two stolen horses. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Princeton, May 23, 1780. A MULATTO SLAVE, who it is supposed has been seduced to undertake to carry letters or intelligence into New-York, ran away from the subscriber, and took off with him a dark bay horse, 6 years old, 14 and an half hands high, with two white feet and a blaze, and is a natural trotter. The Slave is near 6 feet high, strong and well made; had on, and took with him, a variety of cloaths, but those he will most probably wear are, a suit of super fine mixt broad cloth, a new great coat, white stockings, half boots, a black velvet frock and a beaver hat, but little worn. He appears to be 40 odd years of age, speaks good English, reads and writes a tolerable hand, and is a decent and well-behaved ingenious fellow, capable of a variety of works. His name is Michael Hoy, but may go by some other, and it is probable he may travel as a servant to a white man who is supposed to have gone off with him; and as such may change his dress. He went off in the night of the 20th instant. Five Hundred Dollars will be given, and all charges paid for securing the slave and the horse, or Two Hundred and Fifty Dollars for either, paid by GEORGE MORGAN. P.S. A deep blood bay mare, with a black mane and tail, was stolen the same night the above mentioned slave went off, supposed by him or his accomplice. She has a short dock and a lump, that looks like a wind gall or small wen, on the hindermost part of one of her thighs. She is half blooded, pretty old, trots, and is with foal. Six Hundred Dollars will be paid by the Rev. Mr. Smith of this town, to the person who shall return the mare and convict the thief, or Three Hundred Dollars for the mare alone."

Jonathan Hough, yeoman, of Springfield, Burlington County, wrote his will on September 20, 1780. In his will, he mentioned two enslaved people, Peter and Mintes. Hough wished Peter to be free upon his death. Mintes, who was a young man or boy at the time when the will was written, would be set at liberty when he reached 23 and a half years of age. The following is a transcript of the pertinent passage from the will: "Item I do leave and it is my will that my Servant named Peter is free and set at his own liberty at the time of my decease. And I do leave my Servant named Mintes free and at his own Liberty Eighteen Months before he does arrive to the age of Twenty-five." The will was witnessed by Daniel Hough (Jonathan's brother), Robert Taylor, and Joseph Hedger. Hough nominated his brothers Daniel, Samuel, and William Hough to be executors of his estate. Only Daniel and Samuel went on to become executors of Jonathan's estate after his death in 1781, and they were responsible for carrying out Jonathan's wishes (brother William died around the same time as Jonathan). Daniel and Samuel Hough went on to file manumission papers for Peter in 1787.

Caesar, aged 25, ran away from his enslaver, John Denton of Princeton, New Jersey, and an ad was placed for his capture with a $1000 reward. In the ad, John Denton also mentioned his suspicions that Caesar received assistance or was "advised to go away" and that a man named Mr. Cubberly of Staten Island had some knowledge of the situation. John Denton offered additional rewards to persons who would provide information leading to the conviction of any persons who helped Caesar go away. The same ad provides information about various goods and cattle that Denton had for sale. ----- Transcript of the source document: "One Thousand Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY, From the subscriber, in Princeton, on Sunday evening the 12th instant; A NEGRO MAN, named Ceasar, about twenty-five years of age, about five feet eight inches high, marked with the small-pox ; had on a blue camblet coat worn out at the elbows, a pair of new buckskin breeches, straps without kneebuckles, old pumps with a hole in one of the toes or a new patch, a small felt hat lopt. Whoever apprehends the said Negro and delivers him to me, shall have the above reward, paid by JOHN DENTON. Princeton, Nov. 14, 1780 P.S. There is good reason to believe that he has been advised to go away, any substantial evidence who will discover the fact (if the plot be by a white person) on full conviction, shall have a reward of Six Thousand Dollars ; if a black person, Five Hundred. As it is more than probable that there is more people goes to market to Staten-Island than ought ; but if any person going there will please to call on Mr. Cubberly and enquire of his negro man Caesar who it was that advised him to leave his master, and make a sufficient discovery whereby the subscriber may receive sufficient damage, shall have Ten Guineas or the exchange thereof in Continental money. The subscriber has for sale, bar-iron, rock & shore salt, spelling-books and almanacks by the gross or a dozen as low as at Philadelphia, and sundry other kinds of merchandize. Also two yoke of fat oxen, with some other fat cattle, to be sold at publick vendue on Saturday the 18th instant, between the hours of eight and twelve o’clock in the forenoon, to ready money only ; or at private sale, as may best fit the purchaser. Hard money will be most agreeable—and no person to have the cattle to take them out of the state. J.D."

Samuel Stanhope Smith (professor and later president of Princeton University) advertised an 11-year-old Black boy for sale in a Trenton newspaper. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TO BE SOLD, A LIKELY NEGRO BOY, between eleven and twelve years old. Inquire of S.S. SMITH. Princeton, Nov. 20, 1780."

In December 1780, John Bray of Raritan Landing, NJ, placed an advertisement in the Trenton newspaper New-Jersey Gazette seeking to sell a 32-year-old Black man, his 24-year-old wife, and their 15-month old child. Bray stated that he would prefer "to sell them together" but that "a few miles separation will not prevent the sale." Thus, the family may have been separated as a result of this proposed sale. The following is a complete transcript of the advertisement as it appeared in the December 20, 1780, issue of the newspaper: "To be SOLD cheap, By the Subscriber, A NEGRO MAN about thirty-two-years of age, a negro woman about twenty-four, with a child of fifteen months, not for any fault, but want of employ. They being man and wife would make it most agreeable to sell them together; however a few miles separation will not prevent the sale. Any person inclining to purchase will receive satisfactory accounts of their characters by applying to JOHN BRAY. Raritan Landing, Dec. 11, 1780."

In January 1781, Thomas Wilson advertised for the sale of a 17-year-old Black girl in Princeton. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TO BE SOLD, A LIKELY NEGRO WENCH, about 17 years of age. Enquire of the subscriber at Princeton. THOMAS WIGGINS."

On December 15, 1781, a Black man named Henry Heywood was picked up and detained by the Princeton constable John Totten as a potential runaway. Heywood maintained that he was a free man from Maryland and that he had been with the British troops (specifically with soldier or loyalist Mr. Reyley) when the British surrendered at the Battle of Yorktown, Virginia (the final battle of the Revolutionary War in October 1781). The constable published an ad notifying the public that Heywood would be held as a runaway for six weeks. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Taken up as a Run Away, On the 15th December inst. A NEGRO MAN, who calls himself Henry Heywood, and says is a freeman, and lived with a certain Mr. Reyley, who was with the British army at York in Virginia, was there taken at the surrender of that place; and came away with Continental troops. He is a black fellow, marked with the small-pox, about five feet nine inches high, had on a blue coat lined with red, linen drawers, an old felt hat ; says he formerly lived in Maryland. He seems to understand house work best, and is very handy at that. The owner, if any he hath, is desired to come, pay charges, and take him away, within the space of six weeks, otherwise he will be discharged according to law, by JOHN TOTTEN, Constable Princeton, New-Jersey, Dec. 25, 1781."

On June 17, 1782, enslaver Jacob Van Dike paid 8 pounds and 9 shillings proclamation money of New Jersey for the capture and return of a Black man named Harry. The men who captured and returned Harry were James Dunn, Joseph Thickstun, and David Dunham. The three of them issued a receipt to Jacob Van Dike for the money they received. The receipt mentioned that Harry had been "carried off by the followers of the British army" in 1776 and that he was lately "apprehended with a detachment of the British army." Evidently, Harry was with the British troops for several years from 1776 to 1782. It is unclear whether Harry was taken by the Loyalists against his will or left with them willingly to escape from his enslaver. The exact location where Harry was captured is uncertain, and no location is listed on the receipt. Harry's enslaver Jacob Van Dike lived around the area of Ten Mile Run and Rocky Hill.

On March 9, 1782, James Parker wrote a letter to be advertised in the New Jersey Gazette noting that Jack, an enslaved man about thirty-five years old, had run away from Parker. Parker offered three pounds to anyone who could bring Jack back to him. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Run Away a Negro Man named Jack, about thirty-five years old, straight and well-limbed and about five feet ten inches high, very white even teeth, has holes in his ears understands the coopers trade and can talk French; had on a striped woolen shirt, a clothcolored jacket and waistcoat much worn and patched, a pair of buckskin breeches almost new and stained in the seat by riding bareback, grey stockings and shoes newly soaled took with him a homespun coat, buttons covered with same and lined with blue, a jacket and breeches of homespun dimity a white linen shirt and pair of new shoes. Whoever apprehends the said Negro and delivers him to the subscriber or secures him in any gaol so that he may be had again, shall be paid three Pounds and reasonable charges by James Parker. Pitts Down, Hunterdon County, March 9, 1782."

On July 8, 1783, a man named Peter Stogdon was registered as a passenger aboard the British vessel Ann, embarking from New York to St. Johns River, Nova Scotia (now part of New Brunswick). His information was recorded on page 58 in the so-called "Book of Negroes," a register that the British troops compiled in order to document the names of Black evacuees at the end of the American Revolutionary War. Peter Stogdon's record in the book was as follows: "July 8, 1783 Vessel: Ann Commander: John Clark Mr Where bound: St Johns River Negroes names: Peter Stogdon Age: 23 Description: Stout fellow M. Names of the Persons in whose Possession they now are: James Scott Remarks: Formerly slave to Robt. Stogdon Prince Town left him abt. 3 years past G.B.C." Note that the name "Stogdon," as written down in the register, is a variant spelling of Stockton. Peter's former enslaver was Robert Stockton of Princeton. The name James Scott refers to a white British Loyalist who was in charge of Peter Stogdon at the time. The register used abbreviations "B." and "M." to record racial designations. Peter was recorded as "M." for "Mulatto," an indication that he was of mixed African and European descent. The abbreviation "GBC" signifies that Peter Stogdon had in his possession a certificate of freedom from General Samuel Birch, issued pursuant to the proclamations of freedom made by the British commanders during the war.

Enslaver Isaac Anderson of Princeton, New Jersey, advertised a Black woman for sale in 1783. ----- Transcript of the source document: "To be sold cheap for Cash, A HEALTHY able bodied NEGRO WENCH, about 29 years of age, has had the small pox, and understands country work. ISAAC ANDERSON Princeton, October 20, 1783"

Francis Witt, proprietor of the Blazing Starr Inn in Trenton, advertised a young Black woman for sale in 1783. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Blazing Starr Inn, in Trenton. THE subscriber begs leave to inform the public in general, and his friends in particular, that they may depend on genteel entertainment and civil usage at the above inn;—and as he is not under necessity of depending on the markets for hay, they will always find the best there, with careful hostlers.—And for their amusement, they have may always have the perusal of the different news-papers, printed on the continent; and sometimes foreign news, by their humble servant, FRANCIS WITT. N. B. The subscriber has for sale, a young negro wench fit for town or country. Oct. 20, 1783."

Samuel Stanhope Smith (professor and later president of Princeton University) placed a slave sale advertisement in a Trenton newspaper. Smith sought to sell a 25-year-old Black man who was trained as a farmer and to acquire instead a new enslaved worker to perform domestic labor in Smith's home in Princeton. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TO BE SOLD, Or exchanged for a servant accustomed to cooking and waiting in a genteel family, A NEGRO SERVANT, About 25 years of age, who is well acquainted with the business of a plantation, and used to taking care of horses. Enquire of the Printer, or of the subscriber in Princeton. SAMUEL S. SMITH March 25, 1784."

The will of the Rev. Israel Read (pastor of the Bound Brook Presbyterian Church) was written on December 1, 1785, in Piscataway, NJ. Israel Read died 8 years later in 1793, and the will was proved on February 8, 1794, at Somerset. The will mentions several enslaved persons by name, including Toone (referred to as Tony in other archival documents), Isabel, and Jean. Note that Jean was described as an old woman and was granted "her freedom" in the will. Whether Jean was still alive in 1794 and whether she attained freedom is uncertain. New Jersey law prohibited enslavers from officially manumitting elderly Black persons lest they become a public charge. The executors of Read's estate could not have legally manumitted Jean after the pastor's death, although unofficial arrangements for her senior years could have been made in accordance with Read's wishes. The following is a copy of the will abstract as published in the Calendar of Wills, Vol. 8, 1791-1795: "1785, Dec. 1. Read, Rev. Israel, of Piscataway, Middlesex Co.; will of. Son, Thomas, one silver pint mug, 5 silver table spoons and 4 1/2 of residue of personal property. Son, Archibald, one silver server, one silver sugar cup and the other 1/2 of residue of personal property. Daughter, Mary, negro girl named Isabel, 2 feather beds, one silver teapot, 2 silver canasters, one silver cream pot, 6 silver tea spoons, all china and other household furniture; also the annual interest in the widow’s fund in Philadelphia, while single. Library to be sold and divided between the 2 sons. Lands in Somerset Co. and other realty to be sold and proceeds divided between the 3 children. Old negro wench, Jean, her freedom. Negro man, Toone, to be kept by sons. Executors—friends, Dr. Moses Scott and Matthias Baker, Esq. Witnesses—David Kelly, Anthony Cosad, Aaron Coon. Proved Feb. 8, 1794, at Somerset. 1794, Feb. 7. Inventory, £304.9.8; made by Abraham Staats and James Van Duyn. Lib. 33, p. 442; File 948R."

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 165, contains a manumission record for Adam Quon, who was released from slavery on 24 July 1786 in Mansfield. Adam Quon was manumitted by Nathaniel Pope. The manumission document states that Adam Quon was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. Considering that he was described as a "lad," he was probably a young man in his 20s. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 13 February 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Joseph Shreeve and Abednego Wright) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Thomas Fenimore and Israel Shreeve). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Records on page 163 and 164 in the same book indicate that Adam Quon's family members, Sip Quon and Gabriel Quon, were also manumitted by the Pope family on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 163, contains a manumission record for Gabriel Quon, who was released from slavery on 24 July 1786 in Mansfield. Gabriel Quon was manumitted by John Pope. The manumission document states that Gabriel Quon was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. Considering that he was described as a "lad," he was probably a young man in his 20s. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 13 February 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Joseph Shreeve and Abednego Wright) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Thomas Fenimore and Israel Shreeve). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Records on page 164 and 165 in the same book indicate that Gabriel Quon's family members, Sip Quon and Adam Quon, were also manumitted by the Pope family on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 164, contains a manumission record for Sip Quon, who was released from slavery on 24 July 1786 in Mansfield. Sip Quon's primary enslaver, Mary Pope, was deceased since 1783, and the manumission was performed by John Pope, who acted on behalf of the estate of Mary Pope. The manumission document states that Sip Quon was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 13 February 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Joseph Shreeve and Abednego Wright) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Thomas Fenimore and Israel Shreeve). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Records on page 163 and 165 in the same book indicate that Sip Quon's family members, Gabriel Quon and Adam Quon, were also manumitted by the Pope family on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 166, contains a manumission record for George Robin, who was released from slavery on 1 August 1786 in Chesterfield. George Robin was manumitted by Joshua Bunting. The manumission document states that George Robin was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 1 August 1786. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Joel Middleton and Thomas Moore) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Isaac Cowgill and Israel Shreeve). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 162, contains a manumission record for Aaron, who was released from slavery on 24 August 1786 in Northampton. Aaron was manumitted by Joseph Budd. The manumission document states that Aaron was 32 years old at the time of this event. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 22 February 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Aaron Wells and George Budd) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Peter Shiras and John Lacey). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 167, contains a manumission record for Scipio, who was released from slavery on 9 October 1786. The manumission document was filed by the Budd family in New Hanover township. Other historical sources indicate that the Budd family lived in the community of New Mills (now known as Pemberton), which was then part of the New Hanover township. The manumission document states that Scipio was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. Scipio had been enslaved by Joseph Budd, who died in 1785, the year before Scipio was set free. The manumission was performed by Abigail Budd (Joseph's widow), William Budd, and John Lacey, who were the three administrators of the estate of Joseph Budd. The manumission document indicates that they acted "in consideration of a charge given us by the s[ai]d dec[ease]d while on his deathbed and also for other good considerations." In other words, shortly before Joseph Budd died, he instructed his family to free Scipio. Joseph Budd did not write out an official will. The manumission document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 9 October 1786. The document was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township of New Hanover (Isaac Bullock and Joseph Lamb Jr.) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Thomas Reynolds and Peter Stretch). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 226, contains a manumission record for Hannah Williams, who was released from slavery on 2 December 1786 in Chester. Hannah Williams was manumitted by Joseph Hackney. The manumission document states that Hannah Williams was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (John Collins and Joshua Hunt) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Darling Conrow and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Page 225 in the same book indicates that Joseph Hackney also manumitted a man named Sam Waters on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 225, contains a manumission record for Sam Waters, who was released from slavery on 2 December 1786 in Chester. Sam Waters was manumitted by Joseph Hackney. The manumission document states that Sam Waters was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (John Collins and Joshua Hunt) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Darling Conrow and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Page 226 in the same book indicates that Joseph Hackney also manumitted a woman named Hannah Williams on the same day.

Anthony L. Bleecker, a merchant in New York City, sells to John Neilson an enslaved woman named Flora and her two female children Phillis and Ann for 120 New York pounds. The Bill of Sale was signed by Anthony L. Bleecker on January 31, 1787 and was witnessed by Leon Bleecker and Jas. Bleecker. ----- Transcript of the source document: "KNOW all Men by these Presents, That I Anthony L. Bleecker of the City of New York, Merchant For and in Consideration of the Sum of One hundred & twenty pounds Current Money of the State of New York to me in Hand Paid, at and before the Ensealing and Delivery of these Presents, by John Neilson, Esqr the Receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge, and myself to be therewith fully satisfied, contented and paid: Have granted, bargained, sold, released; and by these Presents do fully, clearly and absolutely grant, bargain, sell and release unto the said John Neilson a certain negro Woman named Flora together with her two female children, one called Phillis, the other Ann To have and to hold said Flora & her two children unto the said John Neilson, his Executors, Administrators and Assigns, for ever. And I the said Anthony L. Bleecker for myself, my Heirs, Executors and Administrators, do covenant and agree to and with the above named John Neilson his Executors, Administrators and Assigns, to warrant and defend the Sale of the above named Negro Woman & her two children against all Persons whatsoever. In Witness whereof, I have hereunto set my Hand and Seal, this Thirty first Day of January Annoq. Dom. One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty seven. Anthony L. Bleecker Signed, Sealed, and Delivered, in the presence of } Leon Bleecker Jas. Bleecker"

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 227, contains a manumission record for Hannah Mintus, who was released from slavery on 12 February 1787 in Evesham. Hannah Mintus was manumitted by Joseph Eves. The manumission document states that Hannah Mintus was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Enoch Evans and William Evans) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Page 224 in the same book indicates that Joseph Eves also manumitted a woman named Mary White on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 224, contains a manumission record for Mary White, who was released from slavery on 12 February 1787 in Evesham. Mary White was manumitted by Joseph Eves. The manumission document states that Mary White was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Enoch Evans and William Evans) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Page 227 in the same book indicates that Joseph Eves also manumitted a woman named Hannah Mintus on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 223, contains a manumission record for Phoeby Tonkins, who was released from slavery on 12 February 1787 in Evesham. Phoeby Tonkins was manumitted by Elizabeth Lippincott and John Lippincott, acting jointly. The manumission document states that Phoeby Tonkins was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Enoch Evans and William Evans) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 182, contains a manumission record for Beulah Waters, who was released from slavery on 2 March 1787 in Evesham. Beulah Waters was manumitted by William Wilkins. The manumission document states that Beulah Waters was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 5 May 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Enoch Evans and William Evans) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). Page 183 in the same book contains a related manumission record for Patience Pero, who was also manumitted by William Wilkins on the same day. The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 195-196, contains a manumission record for Hannah Acorby, who was released from slavery on 2 March 1787 in Chester. Hannah Acorby was manumitted by Hugh Cowperthwaite and Job Cowperthwaite, acting jointly. The manumission document states that Hannah Acorby was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 29 June 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Joshua Hunt and John Collins) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 222, contains a manumission record for Kingston, who was released from slavery on 2 March 1787 in Evesham. Kingston was manumitted by Nathan Haines. The manumission document states that Kingston was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Enoch Evans and William Evans) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Pages 220 and 221 in the same book indicate that Nathan Haines also manumitted women named Nanny and Romia on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 220, contains a manumission record for Nanny, who was released from slavery on 2 March 1787 in Evesham. Nanny was manumitted by Nathan Haines. The manumission document states that Nanny was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Enoch Evans and William Evans) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Pages 221 and 222 in the same book indicate that Nathan Haines also manumitted a woman named Romia and a man named Kingston on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 183, contains a manumission record for Patience Pero, who was released from slavery on 2 March 1787 in Evesham. Patience Pero was manumitted by William Wilkins. The manumission document states that Patience Pero was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 5 May 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Enoch Evans and William Evans) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). Page 182 in the same book contains a related manumission record for Beulah Waters, who was also manumitted by William Wilkins on the same day. The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 221, contains a manumission record for Romia, who was released from slavery on 2 March 1787 in Evesham. Romia was manumitted by Nathan Haines. The manumission document states that Romia was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Enoch Evans and William Evans) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Josiah Foster and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Pages 220 and 222 in the same book indicate that Nathan Haines also manumitted a woman named Nanny and a man named Kingston on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 184, contains a manumission record for Dinah, who was released from slavery on 17 March 1787 in Springfield. Dinah was manumitted by William Newbold. The manumission document states that Dinah was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Caleb Earl and Benjamin Hough) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Thomas Reynolds and Peter Stretch). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 247, contains a manumission record for Peter Thorn, who was released from slavery on 17 March 1787 in Springfield. Peter Thorn's primary enslaver, Jonathan Hough, had died in 1780. The manumission was performed by Jonathan's surviving brothers, Daniel Hough and Samuel Hough, who were the executors of Jonathan's estate. The manumission document indicates that Daniel and Samuel were carrying out Jonathan's wishes as recorded in his will. The manumission document states that Peter Thorn was an adult between 21 and 35 years old at the time of the manumission in 1787, but his exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 27 November 1787). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Caleb Earl and Benjamin Hough) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Thomas Reynolds and Peter Stretch). Additionally, John Lacey and Job Lippincott signed the deed of manumission as witnesses. The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book. Page 248 in the same book indicates that Samuel Hough (acting on his own behalf) also manumitted a woman named Phillis on the same day.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 248, contains a manumission record for Phillis, who was released from slavery on 17 March 1787 in Springfield. Phillis was manumitted by Samuel Hough. The manumission document states that Phillis was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but her exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 27 November 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Caleb Earl and Benjamin Hough) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Thomas Reynolds and Peter Stretch). Additionally, John Lacey and Job Lippincott signed the deed of manumission as witnesses. Page 247 in the same book indicates that, on the same day, Samuel Hough and his brother Daniel Hough filed manumission documents for a man named Peter Thorn, who had formerly been enslaved by their late brother Jonathan Hough Jr. The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

On 3 April 1787, George Mitchell sold a black man named Thomas to Samuel Shoemaker for the sum of 25 pounds. This sale took place in the City of Burlington, New Jersey. Shoemaker evidently purchased Thomas with the intention of setting him free. Information about the sale comes from the manumission deed that Shoemaker filed three weeks after the sale.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 180-181, contains a manumission record for Thomas, who was released from slavery on 26 April 1787 in the City of Burlington. The manumission document states that Thomas was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but the exact age was not recorded. Thomas was manumitted by Samuel Shoemaker, a prominent Quaker politician from Philadelphia who was temporarily residing in Burlington in the late 1780s. The manumission document reveals that Samuel Shoemaker bought Thomas with the explicit aim of freeing him. Shoemaker bought Thomas from George Mitchell, a merchant in Burlington, on 3 April 1787, for the price of 25 pounds. Then, three weeks later, Shoemaker proceeded to manumit Thomas, writing: "Now be it known to all Men by these presents - That I the said Samuel Shoemaker being desirous to restore the said Thomas to his Natural Right of Freedom have absolved from Servitude, Manumitted & set free, & by these Presents do from Servitude absolve, Manumit & set free, the said Negro Man Thomas," so that Thomas would "be & Continue as free to all Intents & Purposes as the Citizens of any free Government Whatever." The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips) on 7 May 1787. The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township of Burlington (Abbott Williams and William Cooper) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Thomas Fenimore and Joshua M. Wallace). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

Burlington County Deed Book A, Folio 228, contains a manumission record for Lott Carey, who was released from slavery on 19 May 1787 in Chester. Lott Carey was manumitted by John Cox. The manumission document states that Lott Carey was an adult between 21 and 35 years old, but his exact age was not recorded. The document was entered into the book by the County Clerk (John Phillips). The manumission record was signed by the Overseers of the Poor for the township (Jeremiah Matlack and Reubin Matlack) and Justices of the Peace for Burlington County (Darling Conrow and Reece Edwards). The source document was scanned by the New Jersey State Archives, which houses the original deed book.

William Livingston manumitted Bell and her son Lambert in October 1787. The manumission took place in Elizabeth, NJ. Livingston, who increasingly embraced abolitionist ideas after the Revolution, noted that he made the decision to manumit Bell and Lambert due to his "regard for the natural liberties of mankind" and that he aimed to "set the example" for other enslavers in the hopes that his "voluntary manumission of Slaves, may have any influence on others." The following is a transcript of the Bill of Manumission signed by William Livingston in October 1787: "October [1 – 31] 1787 Know all Men by these presents that I William Livingston of the Borough of Elizabeth in the County of Essex & State of New Jersey, in consideration of my regard for the natural liberties of mankind, & in order to set the example as far as my voluntary manumission of Slaves, may have any influence on others have manumitted emancipated and set at Liberty & Do by these presents manumit emancipate & set at Liberty a certain Negro woman slave called Bell and also her male child called Lambert both born in my family in a state of slavery & do hereby release acquit & discharge the said Bell and her child from any services to me or my representatives as fully & effectually to the extent & purposes whatsoever as if they had been born first free. It witness thereof I have hereunto set my hand & seal this [ ] day of October in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred & eighty seven."

The following manumission record from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 9 TRANSCRIPT: Gloucester County ss We do hereby Certify that on this Tenth Day of May Anno Domini One Thousand seven Hundred and Eighty Eight Joseph Hugg of the Town and County of Gloucester brought before us, [...] of the Overseers of the poor of the said Town, [...] two of the Justices of the Peace of the said County his Slave named Berten, Who on View and examination appears to us to be sound in Mind, and not under any bodily incapacity of obtaining a Support, and also is not under twenty one years of Age, nor above thirty five: In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands the Tenth day of May One Thousand seven Hundred and Eighty Eight 1788. John Glover ) John Heritage ) Overseers John Sparks ) John Wilkins ) Justices [Verso] Recorded in the Clerks Office Gloucester County 30th May 1788. E. Clark Clk

The following manumission record from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. According to the transcript, a notation on the reverse side of the manumission certificate said "Manumission of Wm. Taylers Slave." However, note that the text of the actual certificate from 1789 and the related affidavit notarized in 1791 do not mention a William Tayler/Taylor. The manumission was performed and signed by Susannah Taylor. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 10 TRANSCRIPT: [DOCUMENT 10] I do hereby Certify that on the twenty-second day of October in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and eighty nine, my Slave named Jane Shores was brought before Garret Groff and Jacob Lippincott two of the Overseers of the Poor of the Township of Greenwich in the County of Gloucester, and was Manumitted according to Law in the presence of John Wilkin and Jeffery Clark Esquires. Witness my hand & Seal this 11th day of October 1791. Susannah Taylor (Seal) [Verso] Manumission Recorded in the Clerks Office of Gloucester County in Lib A folio of Manumission of Slaves. E. Clark Clk [DOCUMENT 11] New Jersey ) We do hereby certify that on this Twenty second Gloucester ) day of October in the year of our Lord one Thou- County SS ) sand seven Hundred & Eighty nine Susannah Taylor [.................] of the Township of Greenwich in the sd. County of Gloucester, brought before us, two of the overseers of the poor of sd. Township and two of the Justices of the peace of sd. County her Slave named Jane Shores who on view & examination appears to us to be sound in Mind, and not under any Bodily Incapacity of obtaining a support, and also is not under the age of Twenty one years, nor above Thirty five; IN WITNESS whereof we have hereunto set our hands & Seals the day above written. Overseers Garret Groff (Seal) Jacob Lippincott (Seal) Justices: - John Wilkins (Seal) Jeffery Clark (Seal) [Verso] Manumission of Wm. Taylers Slave Recorded in the Clerks Office of Gloucester County in Lib A of Manumission of Slaves. E. Clark, Clk. 1/4 dol. each

In the fall of 1789, General David Forman assembled a large group of over 60 Black men and women on his estate in the area of present-day Manalapan (but then part of Freehold Township), Monmouth County, New Jersey. Forman's plan was to send them to the Spanish-controlled Mississippi territory, where Forman intended to establish a tobacco plantation in Natchez, with his brother Ezekiel Forman acting as his agent and running the plantation. Some of the Black people who were part of this group had worked for Forman for a long time, and others were recently purchased from other enslavers in the area. About the last of November 1789, the convoy set out from Manalapan. David Forman himself did not travel to Mississippi, but rather sent agents, associates, and family members to secure the convoy and oversee the business. The principal person in charge of the Black people on this journey was Forman's overseer Captain Benajah Osmun. Another leader of the group was Samuel S. Forman (David's much younger cousin). Ezekiel Forman did not come to Manalapan, but would join the convoy later in Pennsylvania. The journey took several months. The convoy traveled overland through Pennsylvania to Pittsburgh and then by boat down the Ohio River and the Mississippi River until they reached Natchez. The convoy met with considerable scrutiny while traveling through Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and was detained while the paperwork for the transportation of slaves through the area was reviewed and approved. Then in Westmoreland, Pennsylvania, two Black people in the group attempted acts of armed resistance. They received assistance from free Black residents of Westmoreland, who furnished them with swords and pistols. They did not succeed in stopping the convoy, and it appears their plans were thwarted. Information about this convoy and their journey comes from Samuel S. Forman's memoir, published years after his death and titled Narrative of a Journey down the Ohio and Mississippi in 1789-90.

In December 1789, two Black men attempted acts of armed resistance against their captors in Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania. These two people were part of a large convoy of 60+ enslaved men, women, and children who were being transported from General David Forman's estate in Freehold, Monmouth County (in the area of present-day Manalapan), to Natchez, Mississippi. The resisters received assistance from free Black residents of Westmoreland County, who furnished them with swords and pistols. They did not succeed in stopping the convoy, and it appears their plans were thwarted. For additional details about this journey and the people involved, see the related relocation event and the biographical profiles of the participants. Information about this armed resistance event comes from Samuel S. Forman's memoir, titled Narrative of a Journey down the Ohio and Mississippi in 1789-90. The following is a transcript of the relevant passage from page 21: "In Westmoreland county we had a little trouble with a drunken justice of the peace and some free blacks. These free blacks, as we learned from a faithful old colored woman, furnished the two ill-tempered blacks of our party with old swords and pistols, but nothing serious grew out of it."

A manumission certificate for Phillip Bitto was filed in Chesterfield Township, Burlington County, New Jersey, on April 14, 1790. Phillip Bitto was manumitted by Thomas Thorn. The loose copy of the manumission certificate (held at the Burlington County Historical Society) indicates that a copy of the document was also entered into Book of Deeds C by the County Clerk, John Phillips. The certificate was signed by two Justices of the Peace for the county (John Pope and Isaac Cowgill) and two Overseers of the Poor for the township (John Thorn and John Middleton Jr), who confirmed that Phillip Bitto was sound in mind and body and was an adult between the ages of 21 and 35 at the time of the manumission. Phillip's exact age was not recorded in this document. ----- Transcript of the source document: "State of New-jersey. Burlington } County, ss. } We do hereby certify, that on the fourteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord 1790, Thomas Thorn of the Township of Chesterfield in the County of Burlington, brought before us, two of the Justices of the Peace of the County aforesaid, and two of the Overseers of the Poor of aforesaid Township, his Negro Slave, named Phillip Bitto; who on View and Examination appeared to us to be sound in mind, and not under any bodily Incapacity of Obtaining a support, and also is not under Twenty-one years of Age, nor above Thirty-five: In Witness whereof, we have hereunto set our Hands, the day above written. John Pope } Justices. Isaac Cowgill. } John Thorn } John Middleton Junr } Overseers of the Poor. Recorded in the Clerks Office for the County of Burlington at Burlington in Book C of Deeds Phillips"

Robert was born on June 9, 1790. His enslaver at the time of his birth was Elijah Pound, who was associated with Piscataway, NJ.

In his last will and testament, made on August 13, 1790, Francis Hopkinson made the following bequest to his wife Ann Hopkinson née Borden: "I give my Negro Slaves Dan and Violet their Freedom after the Death of my Wife who shall have their Services during her natural Life." At this time, Hopkinson maintained a primary residence in Philadelphia and a secondary residence in Bordentown, New Jersey. The will does not state their ages, but we can infer from other sources that Dan was about 19 years old and Violet was about 40 at the time the will was written out. Francis Hopkinson died about a year later in May 1791. Hopkinson's widow outlived him by about 36 years.

Nathan Leake of Deerfield, Cumberland County, wrote his will on 20 December 1790, a few days before his death. He left his plantation to his son David. He mentioned one enslaved person by name: Jack. Nathan Leake instructed that Jack should be set free. The following is a transcript of the relevant passage from the will: "Further it is my will that my servant man Jack be set at Liberty immediately after my decease."