New Jersey Slavery Records

The following manumission record from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 13 TRANSCRIPT: Gloucester County ss ) We do hereby certify, that on this Eighteenth day of April in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and Ninety one, Hugh Greighton of the Township of Newton, in the said County of Gloucester, brought before us, two of the Overseers of the Poor of said Township, and two of the Justices of the Peace of said County, his Mulatto Slave, named Flora, who on view and examination appears to us to be sound in mind, and not under any bodily Incapacity of obtaining a support, and also is not under twenty one Years of Age, nor above thirty five: IN WITNESS whereof wee have hereunto set our Hands the day and Year above written. Jo Hugg ) Justices of Saml Kenard ) the Peace. Thomas Redman ) Overseers Thomas Githens ) of the Poor [Verso] Certificate of the Freedom of Flora Recorded in the Clerks Office of Gloucester County in Lib A of Manumission of Slaves. E Clark, Clk.

On Easter day in 1791, Harry ran away from his enslaver Jeromus Rappleyea of New Brunswick, New Jersey. Harry was 24 and could speak English and Dutch. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Three Pounds Reward. Made his escape from the subscriber, living near New-Brunswick, on last Easter Day, A NEGRO MAN named HARRY, twenty-four years of age, five feet ten inches high, very black, remarkably thin, and has very large white eyes, had on when he went away, a wool hat half worn, a white red and purple striped vest, a short blue linsey coat unsulled, striped trousers, half worn shoes, speaks the Dutch and English languages, talks very slow. Whoever secures said negro, so that his master may get him again, shall have the above reward and reasonable charges. JEROMUS RAPPLEYEA New-Brunswick, May 16, 1791"

Mary Nevill of New Brunswick advertised the sale of a 14-year-old Black girl in 1791. ----- Transcript of the source document: "A WENCH FOR SALE, TO BE SOLD, A likely, active NEGRO GIRL, Of about fourteen years of age, Enquire of MARY NEVILL. New-Brunswick, May 9, 1791. 24I 3w"

On May 20, 1791, when Robert was near 1 years old, Elijah Pound of Middlesex County made a promise to manumit Robert upon the boy attaining age 21 (which was the legal minimum age to be eligible for manumission). Elijah Pound recorded this promise in the form of a deed of manumission, a copy of which appears in the Middlesex County Clerk's Book of Manumissions. According to the deed, Robert would attain age 21 on June 9, 1811. The document was witnessed by Esther Pound and Jean Runyon. This document was recorded by the County Clerk decades later when Robert was an adult. On November 3, 1812, Jean Fitz Randolph (late Jean Runyon), acknowledged the authenticity of the document before judge John Fitz Randolph, who notarized a copy of the document. Then, two years later, a copy of the deed was entered into the Book of Manumissions by Clerk William P. Deare on December 13, 1814, on page 161. The locality is not listed in the document related to Robert, but local history records show that the Pound family, as well as the parties who witnessed and acknowledged the document, are associated with Piscataway. The following is a transcript of the document as recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk in 1814: "I Elijah Pound of the County of Middlesex and State of New Jersey do hereby set free from Bondage my black boy named Robert when he shall arrive at twenty one years which will be on the ninth day of the sixth month Anno Domini one thousand eight hundred and eleven and do for my self my executors and administrators release unto the said black boy Robert all my right and all claim whatsoever as to his person or to any estate he may acquire hereby declaring the said black boy Robert absolutely free without any interruption from me or any person claiming under me. - In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this twentieth day of the fifth month in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety one.- Sealed and delivered in the presence } of Esther Pound - Jean Runyon } Elijah Pound I Jane Randolph late Jane Runyon do solemnly declare and affirm that I saw Elijah Pound the grantor of this writing sine and seal this instrument and seal it for the yous and purpos therein contained. Done before me this third day of November 1812 John F. Randolph Justice } Jean Fitz Randolph"

On May 30, 1791, a 26-year-old Black man named Primus ran away from his enslaver Gilbert Vancamp of Amwell, Hunterdon County, New Jersey. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Ten Dollars Reward. Ran away from the subscriber, in Hunterdon county, Amwell Township, near Flemingtown, on the 19th current, a Negro Man named Primus, about twenty-six years old, five feet ten inches high, pretty black, his front teeth somewhat defected, plays the fiddle and fife very well, he is a smart active fellow, very ready in his answers; had on a tow shirt and trowsers, a short jacket without sleeves, the front part brown linsey, backs black broadcloth lined with part of a striped blanket. Whoever takes said Negro and returns him to his master, or secures him and gives information, shall receive the above reward and reasonable charges paid by GILBERT VANCAMP. Amwell, May 30, 1791"

On June 4, 1791, a Black man named Jack ran away from his enslaver Charity Miller of Stony Brook (present-day Princeton), New Jersey. Charity Miller submitted a runaway notice for Jack to a Philadelphia newspaper. The enslaver believed that Jack ran to Pennsylvania, but Jack's destination has not been confirmed. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Eight Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the subscriber, near Princeton, New-Jersey, the 4th inst. a Negro man, named JACK, a stout hearty fellow, 28 or 30 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, rather of a light complexion, heavy eyes, and unpleasant countenance, fond of spiritous liquors, and when intoxicated somewhat impudent, and more unpleasant than usual. He took with him sundry unknown wearing apparel, and it is conjectured he hath gone into the state of Pennsylvania. Whoever, takes up said fellow, and returns him to his owner, shall receive the above award, and reasonable charges, paid by CHARITY MILLER. Stony Brook, June 16th, 1791. 8w"

The following manumission record from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 14 and 15 TRANSCRIPT: [DOCUMENT 14] I do hereby Certify that on the Seventh Day of October in the year of our Lord one thousand Seven Hundred & Ninty one my Slave Jeff Shores was Brought Before Jacob Gooden & John Early two of the overseers of the Poor of the Township of Greenwich in the County of Gloucester and Was manumited according to Law in the Presents of John Sparks & Thos. Carpenter Esquire, Witness my hand & Seal this Seventh Day of October 1791. Jeffery Clark. [Verso] Manumission Recorded in the Clerks Office of Gloucester County in Lib A of Manumission of Slaves E. Clark Clk [DOCUMENT 15] Gloucester County ) ..We do hereby Certify that on this eleventh New Jersey SS s ) ......day of October in the year of Our Lord One thousand seven hundred & Ninety One Jeffery Clark Esquire of the Township of Greenwich in the said County of Gloucester brought before us, two of the overseers of the poor of said Township, and two of the Justices of the Peace of said County. his Slave named Jeffery Shores who on View and examination Appears to us to be sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity of obtaining a support, and also is not under twenty one years of Age, nor above thirty five: IN WITNESS whereof we have hereunto set Our hands the 11th day of October 1791 Taken before us the day ) and year above written ) John Sparks (Seal)) Thos Carpenter(Seal) ) Justices of the Peace Jacob Goodin (Seal) ) John Earley (Seal) ) Overseers of the Poor [Verso] Manumission Recorded in the Clerks office of Gloucester County in Lib A folio of Manumission of Slaves. E Clark Clk

On 21 November 1791, a recently liberated Black man named Jack Leake signed an agreement to buy the freedom of his son Tubel from the white Leake family of Deerfield, Cumberland County. The document refers to Tubel as a "black boy," but his age is not listed. Note that this agreement refers to Jack and Tubel by first name only, but other documents that mention Jack indicate that he and his Black family took on the last name Leake. Jack had been previously enslaved by Nathan Leake and his wife, Hannah Fithian Leake. Jack had been set at liberty by Nathan's will when Nathan died in 1790. Jack then proceeded to buy the freedom of his family members, starting with Tubel. Jack signed the purchase agreement with Hannah Fithian Leake (Nathan Leake's widow) and David Leake (Nathan Leake's son), who were the executors for the estate of Nathan Leake. Witnesses to the agreement were Levi Leake and Joseph Reeves. Jack agreed to pay 20 pounds total for Tubel's freedom. On the day of the original agreement, 21 November 1791, Jack paid a portion of the price: 11 pounds 7 shillings and 6 pence. The agreement stipulated that Tubel would go to live with Jack immediately, and Jack would be financially responsible for supporting Tubel going forward. The remainder of the freedom purchase price would be due within twelve months. On 18 April 1793, Jack obtained a receipt showing that he paid the remaining portion of the purchase price: 8 pounds 12 shillings and 6 pence, making 20 pounds in total paid to the Leake estate. The receipt was signed by Hannah Fithian Leake and David Leake, with Levi Leake and Aaron Leake acting as witnesses. A note at the bottom of the document indicated that it was given to Levi Leake for safekeeping. See also the related sale event for Jack's son George. Transcript of the source document: "November, the, 21 – 1791. This article witnesseth Hannah Leake exetrix & David Leake exe'tor of the last will and testament of Nathan Leake, Esq. Dec'd. Witness that we had sold to Jack, formerly the slave of Nathan Leake, Esq. Dec'd, a black boy nam'd Tubel the son of s'd Jack for the consideration of twenty pounds gold or silver money the receit of eleven pounds seven shillings & six pence we do hereby acknowledge and the remainder of the above s'd Twenty pounds viz– eight pounds twelve shillings & six pence he the above s'd Jack doth Covenant & Agree to pay in twelve months from the date of this article. But if the above s'd Jack shall chose to return the boy viz Tubel to the above s'd Hannah Leake, David Leake or their heirs, executors or administrators then the above s’d Hannah Leake and David Leake doth covenant and agree to return the above sum of eleven pounds seven shillings & six pence to the above s’d Jack, or his heirs & also pay and allow lawful interest for the same & to release to him the payment of the remainder of the Twenty pounds. But if the above s’d Jack shall chose to keep the s’d Boy & shall well and truly pay the remainder of the above s’d Twenty pounds viz eight pounds twelve shillings & six pence at the expiration of the s’d term of time viz in twelve months then the s’d Hannah Leake & David Leake Doth bind themselves their heirs executors & administrators to make unto the above s’d Jack or his heirs executors or administrators a good & sufficient Bill of Sale for the above s’d Boy viz Tubel & the s’d Jack Doth covenant & agree to keep the s’d boy at his own expense for the above s’d twelve months. But if the s’d Jack or his heirs executors or administrators should fail to pay the eight pounds twelve shillings & six pence then the s’d Boy Tubel is to be returned to the above s’d Hannah Leake & David Leake to them their heirs or executors or administrators & the above s’d sum of eleven pounds seven shillings & six pence is to be returned to the s’d Jack his heirs executors or administrators with lawfull interest for the same. In witness whereof the parties have set their hands & affixed their seals the Day and year above written. Hannah Leake [seal] Jack ~ his mark [seal] Witness Levi Leake Joseph Reeves Received the 18th Day of April 1793 of the within named Jack eight pounds twelve shillings and six pence, lawful money of the State of New Jersey in full of the purchase money of the within named Tubel. We say received by our hands and seals. In Witness Hannah Leake [seal] David Leake [seal] Witnesses, Aaron Leake Levi Leake"

Rev. Oliver Hart Sr. of the Baptist Church in Hopewell wrote out his will on December 16, 1791. The will mentioned two enslaved persons. First, Hart mentioned that Dinah, a Black woman belonging to him, was living with his daughter-in-law Sarah Hart (the widow of Oliver Hart Jr.), and the testator directed that Dinah was to stay with Sarah Hart as long as Sarah remained a widow, but if Sarah remarried then the testator wished Dinah to be sold. Second, the testator originally bequeathed a Black man named Friday to his son John Hart. However, a codicil was added to the will on January 15, 1793, which changed Friday's fate and revoked the bequest to son John Hart. Instead, Friday was now supposed to be the property of the testator's wife Anne Hart, and was to be freed after 7 years of service to Anne. The 7-year term would begin after Oliver Hart's death, which occurred in 1795. The following is a transcript of the relevant passages from the original 1791 will that mention Dinah and Friday: "Item. My Will is that Sarah, the Widow of my late Son, Doctr Oliver Hart, shall keep and have the use of one Negro Woman now with her named Dinah during the widowhood of her, the said Sarah; but in case she should marry, then the said wench should be sold and the money arising therefrom be divided of as follows, that is to say, it shall be put out on interest and the interest arising therefrom shall go towards the maintenance of the children which my son has left, until the youngest of them shall arrive at the age of eighteen years, when the Principal shall be divided between them, share and share alike.” “Item I give and bequeath unto my son John hart one Negro Man named Friday; also my watch with the chain and seal, likewise silver soup spoon and a silver pepper box, together with a seal set in gold, on which our Family coat of Arms is engraven; to him and his heirs forever.” The following is a transcript of the relevant passage from the 1793 codicil regarding Friday: “Whereas, by the abovesaid Will I have given and bequeathed my Negro Man Friday to my son John Hart, I do hereby revoke that Bequest, and my Will now is that the said Negro Man Friday shall be fully and absolutely free at the expiration of seven years after my Decease. During which Term of severn years, said Friday shall be under the care and controul of my dear Wife Anne Hart, to dispose of his Time or Labor or any Profits arising therefrom, as she may think proper.” An abstract of the will appears in the Calendar of Wills, Vol. 9, on page 165, although the names Dinah and Friday were not transcribed in that book.

Mary, a young Black woman, was sold by John Carter of Rocky Hill to Francis Blaise of Princeton sometime before December 1793. The sale may have taken place shortly before that date or some years prior. The sale was mentioned by Blaise in a runaway ad that he published after Mary ran away.

Two Black men, Robin and Sam, ran away from enslaver Alexander Robinson at Belment Farm, near Morristown, on Monday, April 9, 1792. Robin was 50 years old and Sam was younger, but Sam's precise age was not mentioned in the newspaper notice. On April 14, 1792, Alexander Robinson issued a runaway notice offering a reward of $10 for their capture. The following is a complete transcript of the runaway ad as published in the May 1, 1792, issue of the Brunswick Gazette: "Ten Dollars Reward. RUN away from the subscriber on Monday the 9th current, two negro men, the one called Robin and the other called Sam. Robin is an old man of 50 years and upwards, 5 feet 6 inches high, had on when he went away, a great coat of purple colour, and an old beaver hat, one of his thumbs quite sore.—The other called Sam, had on when he went away, a large blue coat, and a brown short coat with overalls of the same, much marked with small pox, his height is about 5 feet 9 inches. Whoever will bring them to the subscriber, living in Morris-Town, or secure them in any gaol shall have the above reward and all reasonable expenses. ALEXANDER ROBINSON Belment Farm April 14, 1792. 90"

Sam, an 18-year-old Black man, ran away from enslaver James Stevenson of Amwell, Hunterdon County, on April 24, 1792. James Stevenson published a runaway ad offering a reward of $8 for Sam's capture. The ad provided a description of Sam's appearance, scars, and clothing. The following is a transcript of the ad: "Eight Dollars Reward. RAN away from the subscriber the 24th inst. a Negro Boy named Sam, eighteen years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, had on when he went away, a wool hat, sailor coat, waistcoat, and trowsers, all grey linsey, stript linsey shirt, grey stockings, old shoes, a remarkable scar on one of his legs; any person apprehending said negro and securing him so that his master may get him again, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid by me, JAMES STEVENSON. Amwell, Hunterdon County, April 27, 1792."

Will ran away from his enslaver James Fleming of Shrewsbury, NJ, on Tuesday, September 25, 1792. The following is a complete transcript of the runaway ad that James Fleming published on October 17, 1792, in the New Jersey Gazette: "TEN DOLLARS REWARD. Runaway from the subscriber, living in Monmouth county, township of Shrewsbury, on Tuesday the 25th ult. a negro man named WILL : Had on when he went away, a homespun gray coat and light blue vest, an old felt hat, and [undecipherable] trousers—he is about 28 years of age, and about five feet four inches high, and has a scar on his chin.—The above reward will be paid to any person who will apprehend said runaway, and secure him in any gaol, whereby his master may get him again. JAMES FLEMING. Shrewsbury township, Oct. 17, 1792 ¶ 6 3w"

Minn, a 30-year-old black man, ran away from his enslaver Jacob Abel of Easton (Northampton County, Pennsylvania) on October 15, 1792. Minn may have gone to his father's home in Trenton. Jacob Abel posted a reward of $16 for Minn's capture in the Trenton newspaper New-Jersey State Gazette. The following is a complete transcript of the runaway ad as published in the November 7, 1792, issue of the New-Jersey State Gazette: "SIXTEEN DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from his master at Easton, on Monday the 15th inst. a negro man named MINN, about 30 years of age, five feet ten inches high; had on when he went away, a long bottle green coat, spotted velvet vest, and striped nankeen trowsers, much given to spirituous liquors : said negro's father lives in Trenton, and it is supposed he has directed his course that way.—Whoever takes up above described runaway and will secure him in any gaol, so that the subscriber may get him again, shall be entitled to the above reward with the addition of reasonable charges. JACOB ABEL. Easton, Northampton, Oct. 24, 1792. ¶ 7 3w"

Mr. Mattison of Princeton sold Jef to one Mr. Kelsey for the sum of 90 pounds when Jef was aged approximately 21 or younger. Subsequently, the sale was reversed and Jef was returned to Mattison's household at the request of Mr. Mattison's wife. The date of this sale event is unknown, but it occurred sometime before February 24, 1794, when Robert Finley of Princeton mentioned this situation in a letter to his friend Col. John Neilson of New Brunswick. Neilson had asked Finley about the possibility of purchasing Jef for 90 pounds. Finley wrote to Neilson about Jef: "He was once sold to Mr. Kelsey for the sum mentioned in your letter but taken back at the request of his present Mistress."

A Black boy named Sam, aged 18 or 19, ran away from his enslaver Winant Winant of Staten Island (Richmond County), New York, on January 4, 1793. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Ten Dollars REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber on the 4th instant, a Negro Boy, named Sam, about 18 or 19 years of age, had on when he went away, a new greyish mixt cloth coat and waist-coast, light coating trowsers, with strings in his shoes, and had two has, he was about five feet six inches high, spare built and light complexion. Whoever will take up said negro, and bring him to the subscriber shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges. WINANT WINANT. Staten-Island, Jan. 5, 1793. 10 3"

Will, an indented Black man, ran away from Edward Dunant of Philadelphia on January 12, 1793. He was subsequently seen in Princeton, Trenton, and Flemington, where he was well known to the local residents. Two versions of a runaway advertising related to Will were published in New Jersey newspapers in Trenton and New Brunswick. One listed his name as "Will Rigg," but this is believed to be a typographical error. The other version of the ad listed his name as "Will Grigg" which is presumed to be the correct version and appears to be a reference to the Griggs family name. ----- Transcript of: Edward Dunant, "Stop the RUNAWAY!," Guardian, Or, New-Brunswick Advertiser, January 23, 1793: "Stop the RUNAWAY! ABSCONDED on the 12th inst. an indented Black man named WILL, but calls himself Will Grigg, after a former master. He lately belonged to Caesar Trent, a Negro in Princeton; is a likely, smart and pleasant countenanced fellow, about 5 feet 5 inches high, has a defect in one of his Legs, wears a false cue, and his hair frized at the temples; speaks good English; had on a round hat, blue surtout with white metal buttons, a light drab cloth coat with covered buttons, a corduroy waistcoat, fustian breeches, ribbed worsted hose much darned, and large white metal buckles in his shoes. He is well known at Trenton, Princeton and Flemington, and has been seen at these places with a bundle, the contents unknown. Any person apprehending the said fellow and bundle and conveying them to the subscriber at Philadelphia, shall receive a reward of EIGHT DOLLARS and all reasonable charges, and those who harbour or conceal him may rely on being prosecuted. EDWARD DUNANT. Philadelphia, January 19, 1793 12-3t" ----- Transcript of: Edward Dunant, "STOP THE RUNAWAY!," New-Jersey State Gazette, January 23, 1793: "STOP THE RUNAWAY! ABSCONDED on the 12th instant, an indented black man named WILL, but calls himself WILL RIGG, after a former master. He lately belonged to Caesar Trent, a negro in Princeton—is a likely active fellow, pleasant countenance, about five feet five inches high, has a defect in one of his legs, wears a false queu and his hair frized at the temples—speaks good English—had on a round hat, blue surtout with white metal buttons, a light drab cloth coat with covered buttons, a corduroy waistcoat, fustian breeches, rib'd worsted stockings much darn'd, and large white metal buckles in his shoes—he is well known at Trenton, Princeton and Flemington, and has been seen at these places with a bundle, the contents unknown.—Any person apprehending the said fellow and bundle, and conveying them to the subscriber at Philadelphia, shall receive a reward of EIGHT DOLLARS, and all reasonable charges—and those who harbour or conceal him, may rely on being prosecuted. EDWARD DUNANT Philadelphia, January 19, 1793 20 5w"

On 18 April 1793, a Black man named Jack obtained a receipt showing that he made the final payment to purchase the freedom of his son George from the white Leake family of Deerfield, Cumberland County. The amount paid on that day was 8 pounds 13 shillings and 7 pence. The receipt was signed by widow Hannah Fithian Leake and her son David Leake, with Levi Leake and Aaron Leake acting as witnesses. A note at the bottom of the document indicated that it was given to Levi Leake for safekeeping. George's father, Jack, had been previously enslaved by Nathan Leake and his wife, Hannah Fithian Leake. Jack had been set at liberty by Nathan's will when Nathan died in 1790. Jack then proceeded to buy the freedom of his family members. The original purchase agreement for George has not been found, but this receipt for his final payment was issued at the same time as the receipt for George's brother Tubel, and these receipts were attached to Tubel's full purchase agreement. Tubel's purchase agreement began on 21 November 1791 and stipulated that the price for Tubel would be 20 pounds to be paid in several installments. It can be inferred that arrangements for George's freedom would have been similar. See the related event for Tubel for more information about the purchase agreement. Transcript of the source document: "Also received the said 18th day of April 1793 of the above named Jack, eight pounds thirteen shillings and seven pence, lawful money of the State of New Jersey in gold & silver coins in full all Demands for the manumission, free and entire Liberty of George, the son of the said Jack from the date hereof. In Witness whereof we have set our Hands and Seals. Hannah Leake [seal] David Leake [seal] Witnesses, Levi Leake Aaron Leake This Article is Committed to the care of Levi Leake"

According to the obituary of Clara Voorhees (published in 1892), Clara had a family bible record that listed her birth date as May 10, 1793. She was a twin, and her twin sister was named Flora Stryker. It is presumed that Voorhees and Stryker were the women's married names, and these would not have been their names at birth. The name of their mother is not known. The two girls were enslaved by a man named Matthew Rue near Scott's Corner, a place in present-day Plainsboro, Middlesex County, New Jersey (but at the time this area would have been part of South Brunswick).

Stephen, aged 20, ran away from his enslaver Richard Wescoat at Great Egg-Harbour on or about Sunday, May 19, 1793. The enslaver published a runaway notice for Stephen offering a reward of 16 dollars for his capture, describing him as a "Mulatto Slave," and noting that Stephen broke into a trunk and took some bank notes and coins before he left. The following is the complete transcript of the runaway advertisement published by Richard Wescoat in the newspaper New-Jersey State Gazette on May 22, 1793: "SIXTEEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, living at Great Egg-Harbour, Gloucester county on Sunday night last, a Mulatto Slave, about twenty years of age; had on when he went away a white shirt, new ticklenburgh trousers, blue sailor۪s jacket, wool hat, shoes with plated buckles; he is very much pitted with small-pox, a short chunky fellow, of a sour countenance, and goes by the name of Stephen. He broke open a trunk and stole two ten dollar Bank Notes, five Spanish milled dollars, and some small pieces of silver. Whoever takes up the said slave, and brings him back to his master, or secures him in any gaol so that he may be got again, shall leave the above reward and all resonable charges. RICHARD WESCOAT May 20, 1793. 37 3w"

Nance, a Black woman aged about 23, ran away from her enslaver James Vaux of Providence, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, around June 1793. James Vaux published a runaway ad for Nance, which noted that Nance had previously been enslaved in Princeton, New Jersey. The enslaver believed that Nance might go to Philadelphia where her brother was living. The ad also mentioned that the enslaver had discovered Nance's plan to escape and consequently locked up clothes at the house to prevent Nance from taking a variety of attire with her. Nance managed to abscond anyway, but she only had a few items of clothing on her person. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Eight Dollars Reward, Ran away from the subscriber, a Negro Woman, named Nance, about twenty three years of age—has a sour frowning countenance and is so small for her age as to be taken for a girl. She had but few clothes with her—they being secured on discovering her intentions of going off. She formerly lived in Princeton, and has a Brother living in Philadelphia, to whom she may probably go. Whoever will secure the said Negro, so that her Master may get her again, shall be paid the above Reward: JAMES VAUX, Providence, Montgomery County, July 1, 1793"

The following manumission record from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 16 TRANSCRIPT: Gloucester County ss We do hereby Certify that on this Sixteenth day of July in the year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred &. Ninety three, Joseph Hugg of the Town of Gloucester, in the County of Gloucester aforesaid Esquire brought before us two of the Overseers of the Poor of said Town, and two of the Justices of the Peace of said County, his Slave named Tabby Still. Who on view and examination appears to us to be Sound in Mind, and not under any bodily incapacity of obtaining a support, and also is not under twenty one years of Age, nor above thirty five. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our Hands the Day and Year above written. Jno Griffyth ) Justices of Samul Kenard ) the Peace John Heritage ) Overseers Peter Thompson ) of the Poor. [Verso] Certificate of the Freedom of Joseph Hugg's Negroe Man Tabbey. Recorded in the Clerks Office of Gloucester County this 19th August 1793 E. Clark Clk

On December 10, 1793, a 20-year-old Black woman named Mary ran away from her enslaver Francis Blaise who resided in Princeton, NJ. The next morning Mary was seen at Rocky Hill, Somerset County, at the household of her previous enslaver, John Carter, where she had breakfast before she departed. Mary then went to the Sourland Mountain area by way of Griggstown. Ten days after Mary escaped, Francis Blaise offered a reward of $8 for Mary's return. Mary continued to evade capture, and a second runaway ad was published for her a year and a half later. See related event in 1795. ----- Transcript of the source document: "EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD. RUN away from the Subscriber, a Negro Woman named Mary, about 20 years of age, of a rather short but thick person and tolerably handsome face; having lived some time in a French family, she has acquired a little smattering of their language. Had on when she went away, a short gown and petticoat of grey coating, somewhat threadbare, and much soiled with grease and dirt, the short gown is not cut but plaited in the back to accommodate the shape, she also took with her a petticoat or skirt of India callico, blue ground with round white spots. She was seen at the house of John Carter of Rocky Hill, (of whom the subscriber purchased her) at a very early hour on the morning of the 11th inst. and there received her breakfast, from thence she went by Griggstown towards Sourland mountain, where she was also seen. Whoever apprehends the said Negro Woman and delivers her to her master near Princeton, or to David Hamilton, inn-keeper in Princeton, shall receive the above reward from FRANCIS BLAISE. Princeton, Dec. 20, 1793. 9tf"

Correspondence between Col. John Neilson of New Brunswick and the Rev. Robert Finley of Princeton in February 1794 discussed Neilson's plans to purchase Jef from Mr. Mattison of Princeton for the sum of 90 pounds. It is unclear whether this sale was ever finalized. In a letter sent on February 25, 1794, Neilson asked his friend Finley to discreetly find out information about Jef's skills and character. Neilson sought information from someone other than Mr. Mattison and hoped to get an honest assessment of Jef's personality and habits. On February 27, 1794, Finley sent a reply saying that he had asked around and obtained information from Samuel Snowden, who had lived with Mattison and was well acquainted with Jef. The name Samuel Snowden mentioned by Finley in the letter likely refers to the Rev. Samuel Finley Snowden (1767-1845), a Presbyterian minister who was studying theology in Princeton at the time and would become the pastor of the Princeton church in 1795. Finley's letter described Jef as a healthy and sober young man 21 years of age. Jef was skilled at tending a kitchen garden and had limited experience managing horses—an activity that he seemed to like. Finley also noted that Jef routinely left the household at night because he was lonely at Mattison's home. Most likely, this means that Jef was separated from his family at Mattison's and had to go outside of the household in order to see his loved ones. This was a common situation for enslaved young adults in New Jersey who often experienced isolation in white households and were at a considerable distance from their own family members. For the full transcript of the two letters, see the linked source documents.

Cato, aged 33, ran away from enslaver William M'Kissick of Pluckemin, Somerset County, NJ, in 1794. William M'Kissick published a notice offering a reward of 3 pounds for Cato's capture and mentioning that Cato formerly belonged to Col. Philip Van Horne of Middle-Brook. The runaway ad is found in the July 3, 1794, issue of the Arnett's New-Jersey Federalist, a newspaper published in New Brunswick. However, the ad probably ran in the paper for several months prior to this issue. Unlike other runaway ads published in this time period, the ad did not list the date when William M'Kissick first issued his notice. The ad mentioned that Cato ran away on "Friday the 18th ult." meaning the 18th of the previous month. The most recent "Friday the 18th" before this newspaper issue occurred in April of 1794. Thus, it is reasonable to infer that Cato ran away on April 18, 1794, and that M'Kissick first published his ad in May, then continued to pay for the ad for months while he searched for Cato. The following is the complete transcript of the runaway ad published on June 3, 1794, in Arnett's New-Jersey Federalist: "THREE POUNDS REWARD. RAN-AWAY, on Friday the 18th ult. from the subscriber living near Pluckemin, Somerset county, New-Jersey, a NEGRO MAN named CATO, 33 years of age, about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, squints much and is very near sighted; had on a light coloured coatee, waistcoat and overalls of the same, but he may change his dress, having taken with him a variety of cloathing. He formerly belonged to the late Col. Philip Van-Horne, near Middle-Brook. Whoever secures said Negro, that his master may have him again, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid, by WILLIAM M'KISSICK. 28tf"

The following manumission record from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. Note that, based on this transcript, the manumitter Daniel Bates also appears to be one of the Overseers of the Poor for Gloucester Township, and he signed the document in his capacity as Overseer of the Poor. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 17 TRANSCRIPT: Gloucester County ss State of New Jersey. We Doe hereby Certify that on this Eighteenth Day of April in the year of our Lord one Thousand and Seven hundred and ninty four Denil Bates of the Township of Gloces in the county aforsd Brought Before us Two of the overseers of the poor of the sd Township of Glouester and Two of the Justices of the peace of Said County - his Slave named Susanath who on View and Examination appears to us to be Sound in mind and not under any Bodily Incapacity of obtaining a support and allso is not under Twinty one years of age nor above Thirty five in Wittness Whereof we have hereunto Set our hands and Seals, the Day and yoar above Written. Nathan Lippincott (Seal) Daniel Bates (Seal) We the underwritten two of the Justices of said County Do approve of the above. John Sparks Jo. Hugg [Verso] Manumission of Dane Bates & Susanath Recorded in Clerks Office of Gloucester County in Page - 24th April 1794 E. Clark Clk

Hannah ran away from her enslaver James Law of Morrisville, Pennsylvania, around June 1, 1794. She took her 2-year-old daughter Peggy with her. After her escape, Hannah was seen in Trenton, New Jersey. James Law, who was associated with the Delaware Works mill property in Morrisville, published a runaway notice offering a reward for Hannah's capture. The following is the complete transcript of the runaway ad published by James Law in the June 18, 1794, issue of the Trenton newspaper New-Jersey State Gazette: "Three Dollars Reward. ABSCONDED from the service of the subscriber last Sunday morning, a Negro Wench, near 22 years of age, named Hannah, five feet high or thereabouts, has a scar under one of her jaws : She took with her her child about two years old, named Peggy, and a large bundle of wearing apparel. She has been seen lurking about Trenton. The above reward shall be paid to any person who will apprehend and bring them to JAMES LAW, at the Delaware Works. June 2, 1794 (91 3w.)"

The following archival document from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. Note that this document was categorized as a manumission by the WPA transcribers and was included in the "Certificates of Manumissions" section of the book. However, upon close inspection, this is neither a manumission certificate nor a deed of manumission. This document appears to be an indenture (or apprenticeship) agreement regarding a Black woman named Rachel Freeman. The parties to the agreement are John Sparks (Rachel's former master) and Samuel Folwell (Rachel's new master). The agreement outlines the terms of Rachel's indenture and stipulates that Samuel Folwell promises to manumit Rachel at the end of her term of service, provide her with schooling while she is an apprentice, and provide her with two good suits of wearing apparel when she is manumitted. It appears the original document was torn. A portion of the document text is missing from the transcript (as indicated by multiple dotted lines that appear in lieu of text at the beginning of the document); significant information is missing, such as how many years Rachel was supposed to serve, how old she was at the time of this event, and whether any money exchanged hands between John Sparks and Samuel Folwell. The exact location of the event is also not known. Importantly, the transcribed document indicates that two passages were written and then crossed out before the agreement was signed. These crossed-out passages stipulated that, if Rachel had any children during her service to Samuel Folwell, the children would also gain freedom at the end of Rachel's term. With these two passages being struck out from the agreement, the fate of Rachel's progeny was less certain, and Samuel Folwell would have a claim to the children's labor even if Rachel herself was eventually manumitted as outlined in the agreement. Note also that, according to the WPA transcript, the document's verso (the reverse side that normally shows the document's title and clerical filing information) does not match the contents of the document. The text transcribed from the verso says that this is a copy of a certificate of "Abratham Deval & Sarath Clark now Sarath Deval," but these people were not mentioned in the indenture agreement (as far as can be ascertained from the portion of the document that remains intact). It is unclear what, if anything, the Devals had to do with Rachel's situation, and it is possible that the information on the verso represents a clerical error (or a transcription mistake). ----- GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 18 TRANSCRIPT: Month [...............] ten [...............] faithfully [...............] honestly, order [...............] Mistress, and [...............] his Self, his Ex [...............] the said John Spar [...............] Folwell & Rachel his [...............] of all manner of House [...............] knitting, etc. shall and [...............] tice nine months Schooling [...............] unto the said Apprentice con [...............] ard all other things necessary and [.......] aforesaid and at the end of the said Term shall [....] Apprentice two good suits of Apprel of all sorts both linen & Woolen, one whereof to be new, the other for working Apparel. AND the said Samuel Folwell for his Self, his Executors and Administrators, hereby Covenants to and with the said John Sparks his Heirs, Executors & Administratore, that he the said Samuel Folwell his Executors of Administrators shall and will Manumit and set the adoresaid Apprentice named Rachel Absolutely Free at the end of the aforesaid Term, giving up unto her all his and their right and claim whatsoever, [crossed out text: as-to-her-person-and-all-the-issue-that-may- of-her-body-be-begotten], and any Estate she or-they may thereafter acquire. AND the said John Sparks the better to impower the said Samuel Folwell his Executors or Administrators to Manumit the said Negro Girl. doth here- by forever release unto the said Samuel Folwell his Executors and Admini- strators all his right and claim whatsoever in and to the person of the said Negro Rachel Freeman; Hereby declaring, she [crossed out text: together-with-all-and- every-the-issue-of-her-Body-that-may-be-begotten] shall be Manumitted and set absolutely FREE from BONDAGE, without any interuption, at the end of the adoresaid Term, from all and every person whomsoever claiming. IN WITNESS whereof the parties to these Presents have hereunto interchang- ably set their Hands and Seals, DATED the fourteenth Day of the Eight Month (August) Ano Domini one thousand seven hundred and ninety four. SEALED & DELIVERED in the Presence of (Seal) Memorandum, The Words "and all the issue that may of her Body be begotten, and the Words "or they", and the Words "together with all and every the issue of her Body that may be" "begotten,"- were all erased with a Pen, between the 26th & 34th lines, before the Executing thereof. [Verso] A coppey of a sertificat of Abratham Deval & Sarath Clark now Sarath Deval

Around December 1794, a Black man named Michael ran away from his enslaver William McClellan of York, PA, and stayed away for two years before he was apprehended. Michael adopted the name Jem and stayed for a while in Reading, PA, where he obtained a pass to go to Trenton, NJ. In Trenton, Justice Anderson signed a pass permitting Michael to go to New York. Michael subsequently returned to Trenton and worked there for a man named "Mr. Vanbertie a foreign minister." Michael had grown up in the area of Princeton, NJ, in the household of Albert Schenck, and this probably influenced his decision to return to this area of New Jersey.

On December 15, 1794, Gilbert T. Snowden purchased an enslaved man named David from one Abraham Dean of Middlesex County, NJ. It appears that Snowden purchased David with the intention of liberating him. Four months after the sale, Snowden manumitted David, signing a deed of manumission on April 20, 1795. The information about David's sale comes from this deed of manumission, which was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk in the Book of Manumissions and Removals on May 27, 1808 (p. 75).

In December 1794, Thomas Wiggins advertised the sale of a 12-year-old Black boy in Princeton. ----- Transcript of the source document: "To be SOLD by the SUBSCRIBER, An elegant COACHEE, with HARNESS complete, not the worse for wear ; likewise, A smart, active, likely Negro Boy, in his thirteenth year. THOMAS WIGGINS. Princeton, December 24, 1794."

On January 12, 1795, Caesar Trent (a free Black man who lived in Princeton near the college campus) advertised the sale of a 30-year-old Black man who was experienced in domestic and farming labor. It is possible that the Black man may have been held in jail in Trenton because Caesar Trent's ad mentioned that persons interested in purchasing the man could apply to the jailor in Trenton. However, the ad also said that the man was "sold for no fault" of his own, and it is possible that the jailor in Trenton was merely a point of contact for Trent. The ad also said that Trent could be contacted "at 'Squire Mottison's," which appears to refer to Mr. Mattison, a white neighbor of Trent's in Princeton. ----- Transcript of the source document: "To Be Sold, A Likely, smart, healthy Negro Man, about 30 years of age – He is very handy at house and all kinds of farming work. Sold for no fault but the want of a master. Any person inclining to purchase, will apply to the jailor in Trenton, or to the subscriber in Princeton at ‘Squire Mottison’s. Caesar Trent January 12, 1795"

John Stevenson of Amwell, Hunterdon County, NJ, advertised the sale of two Black people, a man (age 22) and his wife (age 24). He was also selling a property with several mills about 3 miles away from Coryell's Ferry. The Black man mentioned was described as "an excellent miller" and likely lived and labored at Stevenson's mill property. The Black woman was a domestic worker and cook. ----- Transcript of the source document: "MILLS FOR SALE. To be SOLD at PRIVATE SALE, FIFTY-FIVE acres of excellent Land—30 acres of which is well timbered, 10 good watered meadow, and the remainder good arable land–lying on the main road leading from Ringo's Old Tavern (now Meldrum's) to Coryell's Ferry, being about three miles distant from each place. There are on said premises, a good stone dwelling house, barn and barracks; and excellent well of water at the door; a good grist-mill, and an excellent new two story stone fulling-mill, with two stocks and a full set of tools, sufficient for carrying on the business–the whole is in good repair. The grist-mill and plantation, exclusive of the fulling-mill, has rented for 75L per annum. An indisputable title will be given, and the conditions of sale made known, by application to the subscriber, and possession given the first of April next, or sooner if required. Also for Sale, A Negro Man and his Wife. The Negro man is 22 years of age, an excellent miller, and understands the farming business well. The negro woman is 24 years of age, understands all kinds of house work, and is an excellent cook. For further particulars inquire of JOHN STEVENSON. Hunterdon county, Amwell township, January 22, 1795. (26 4w.)"

Adam was manumitted on February 16, 1795, by James Sterling of the City of Burlington, Burlington County. The original manumission deed and certificate are held at the Burlington County Historical Society. The document indicates that County Clerk Lawrence entered a copy of the manumission record into Deed Book B, folio 182. ----- Transcript of the source document: "City of Burlington State of New Jersey To whom it may Concern These are to Certify that I James Sterling Esquire Recorder of the said City of Burlington have Manumitted and set free, and by these presents do Absolutely Manumit and set free my Negroe man Adam he being not under twenty one Years of Age, nor above thirty five.— In Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this Sixteenth day of February in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety five 1795.— Jams Sterling Sealed and Delivered } in the presence of } Wm Coxe junr } County of Burlington ss. We do hereby Certify that on this sixteenth day of February in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety five James Sterling Esquire of the City of Burlington in the said County of Burlington, brought before us, two of the Overseers of the Poor of said City and Township of Burlington, and two of the Justices of the Peace of said County, his slave named Adam, who on view and Examination appears to us to be sound in mind, And not under any Bodily Incapacity of Obtaining a support, And also is not under twenty one Years of Age, nor above thirty five, In Witness whereof we have here- unto set our hands, the Sixteenth day of February in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety five. 1795. Wm Coxe junr } Thos Adams } Justices of the Peace of the County of Burlington John Hendry } John Stockton } Overseers of the Poor of Burlington Township [verso] Manumission of Adam formerly a Slave of James Sterling's Esquire Burlington 1795 Burlington Recorded in the Clerk's Office for the County of Burlington in Lib: B of Deeds fol: 182 Lawrence Clk"

The Middlesex County Book of Manumissions and Removals contains a copy of a document signed by Joseph Freeman Sr. (1709-1797), promising to manumit an enslaved man named Gabriel after the decease of Joseph Freeman Sr. and his wife Susannah Freeman. This document was originally signed on March 10, 1795, and witnessed by Joseph Freeman Jr. and Enos Freeman. On February 15, 1808, Enos Freeman appeared before judge Henry Freeman and acknowledged the authenticity of the document. The document was then recorded into the book by the Middlesex County Clerk on February 27, 1808. The following is a transcript of Joseph Freeman Sr.'s 1795 document: "I Joseph Freeman in the County of Middlesex and State of New Jersey this tenth day of March in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand seven hundred and ninety five do certify that after the decease of me and my wife Susannah, that my negro man Gabriel shall be set free. In Witness I have hereunto set my hand and seal. - Joseph Freeman" Joseph Freeman Sr. died in 1797. The date of death of his wife Susannah Freeman is uncertain. Whether and when Gabriel attained freedom is uncertain. It is likely that Gabriel attained freedom by 1808. However, a copy of the requisite manumission certificate for Gabriel (which would typically be issued by the Justice of the Peace of Middlesex County) has not been found in the book.

Around April 1795, two young Black men named Jim (aged 20) and Sam (aged 19) ran away from their enslavers in Princeton, NJ. Following their escape, they were seen going from Trenton to Philadelphia, and their enslavers suspected that they might go further toward Baltimore. The enslavers submitted a runaway ad to a Philadelphia newspaper and offered a reward of $60 for the capture of the two men. The names of the enslavers as printed in the ad were John Schinck and John Dye, but the ad did not clarify which enslaver was the legal owner of which runaway. The name printed as "Schinck" is presumed to refer to the Schenck family of Princeton. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Sixty Dollars Reward. Ran away from the subscribers, two Negro men; one named Jim, about twenty years of age, five feet ten inches high, a little lame in one of his feet, occasioned by some of the small bones being displaced, and has a small lump on the outside of his foot; had on a green coat, striped overalls, grey great coat, blue stockings, and a rorum hat. The other named Sam, about nineteen years of age, five feet ten inches high, had on a grey linsey coat and jacket, corduroy breeches, an old rorum hat, grey great coat, and black or grey stockings. They were traced from Trenton to Philadelphia, and are supposed to be lurking about the city, or gone towards Baltimore. Whoever will take them up, and secure them in any gaol, so that the subscribers get them again, shall have the above reward and all reasonable charges. JOHN SCHINCK, JOHN DYE. Princeton, New Jersey, April 29"

Peter Hill was manumitted in 1795 when he was 27 years old, with the deed of manumission signed by Joseph Hollinshead on 16 April 1795, and a certificate of manumission issued on 1 May 1795 by two Overseers of the Poor of Burlington Township and two Justices of the Peace of Burlington County following Peter Hill's appearance before the officials together with Hollinshead. The following is a transcript of the manumission deed and certificate, as transcribed by historian Silvio A. Bedini from Burlington County property records and printed in his biographical essay about Peter Hill's life: "State of New Jersey. To all whom it may concern I do hereby for myself & my Heirs Manumit and set free my Negro or Mulatto Man Peter Hill aged twenty seven years the 19th of July 1794. — In Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my Hand & Seal at Burlington the place of my dwelling the 16th day of April 1795. Jos. Hollinshead (Seal). Sealed and delivered in the presence of John Thompson. County of Burlington — We do hereby certify that on this first day of May A D 1795 Joseph Hollinshead of the Township of Burlington in the County of Burlington brought before us two of the Overseers of the Poor of said Township and two of the Justices of the Peace of said County his slave named Peter Hill who on view and examination appears to us to be sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity of obtaining a support and also is not under twenty one years of age nor above thirty five. In Witness whereof we have hereunto put our hands the first day of May 1795. Nath.l Fitz (Seal)} Overseers of the Poor of Sam.l Stockton (Seal)} the Township of Burlington W.m Love Junr (Seal)} Justices of the Peace for Tho.s Adams (Seal)} the County of Burlington."

David was manumitted by Gilbert Tennent Snowden (1766-1797), a minister of a Presbyterian church in Cranbury, Middlesex County, New Jersey. On April 20, 1795, Snowden executed a deed of manumission to set David free. The document stated that Snowden had purchased David four months prior on December 15, 1794, from Abraham Dean of Middlesex County. The deed was witnessed by Jonathan Combs and Thomas McDowell. On October 15, 1806, Thomas McDowell appeared before judge Nathaniel Hunt and acknowledged the authenticity of the deed he had witnessed a decade prior. A copy of the deed (along with judge Hunt's notarization) was then recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk (William P. Deare) on May 27, 1808.

On July 3, 1795, Mr. Bovis published a notice for the sale of a farm and an enslaved Black farm worker. The location of the farm was indicated as "in Pleasant Valley, one mile from Princeton." The ad referred to the Black man as "an American negro" thus indicating that he was born in North America (rather than brought to New Jersey from Africa or the Caribbean). ----- Transcript of the source document: "FOR SALE, A FARM situated in Pleasant Valley, one mile from Princeton, containing 172 acres of Land, viz 30 in wood, 40 in thick meadow, the rest grain ; a large commodious house, lately put in repair with out out houses, a good garden, and orchard well stocked ; a chaise, wagons. 5 horses, 2 yoke oxen, some cows and young calves a flock of sheep, pigs turkeys, geese, fowls, and pigeons, fanning and garden utensils, a carpenters chest of tools, and an American negro, who is well acquainted with the business of a farm ; the whole in the best state, and a good crop on the premises, consisting of corn, barley, wheat, oats, hay, flax, and potatoes, with sufficient supply of water. To prevent trouble, about 2000l. Is expected for the same. Terms of payment, will be made agreeable to the purchasers. For further particulars, apply to Mr. Bovis, the proprietor, or the estate, or to Mr. Johnson, Attorney, at Mr. Robert’s Stockton, near Princeton New Jersey. July 3"

Mary, who originally ran away from Francis Blaise's house at Princeton in December 1793, managed to evade capture for at least a year and a half, and possibly longer. She had been seen heading to the Sourland Mountain area when she first escaped, but it is not known whether she continued staying in that area. Mary was about 20 years old when she ran away from Princeton. In July 1795, Francis Blaise published a second runaway ad for Mary offering a reward of $24 for her return (he had previously offered a reward of $8 when Mary first absconded). By now Blaise was living in New Brunswick, Middlesex County. Blaise's second ad made an appeal directly to Mary and to whoever was harboring her. Blaise stated that, if Mary would return of her own accord, he would be willing to sell her to a person of her own choosing and, further, he would subtract the $24 reward from the sale price. If Mary was being harbored by her family members or other supporters, this proposed arrangement may have helped them to legally purchase Mary's freedom. Whether Mary took Blaise's offer and returned or continued living as a fugitive is uncertain. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TWENTY-FOUR DOLLARS REWARD. RUN away from the Subscriber then living near Princeton, on the 10th December 1793, a Negro Woman named Mary, about 20 years of age, of a short thick person and tollerable handsome face; having lived some time in a French family, she had a little smattering of the French language, the subscriber purchased her of John Carter, at Rocky-hill, where she was seen the day after she ran away, she was also seen at Sourland mountain. Whoever takes up said Negro Woman and delivers her to the subscriber in New-Brunswick, shall be entitled to the above reward--She herself shall be entitled to it, in diminution upon the price at her sale if she is willing to return, and procure herself a master, the subscriber giving her liberty to make her own choice, if any person where she lives should wish to purchase her, in order to save expence and trouble, he may know the terms by directing a line to the subscriber which shall be immediately answered. FRANCIS BLAISE New-Brunswick, July 16, 1795. 38."

Peter Hill and Tina Lewis were married on 9 September 1795, by Thomas Adams, Justice of the Peace for Burlington County. The following is a transcript of the marriage record, as transcribed by historian Silvio A. Bedini and printed in his biographical essay about Peter Hill's life: "County of Burlington SS. These are to certify that on the 9th day of Sept. 1795 I the subscriber one of the Justices of the Peace in and for the County of Burlington joined Peter Hill of the City of Burlington Clock & Watch Maker and Tina Lewis of the same place Spinster (being free People of Colour) in the holy bonds of Matrimony and them pronounced Man and wife. Given under my hand this 6th day of October 1795. Tho.s Adams J. P."

On 28 April 1796, Anne Hart, widow of the Rev. Oliver Hart of Hopewell, transferred a Black boy named James to a new master named Peter Gordon of Trenton, binding James to serve Peter Gordon for a term of 15 years. James was 10 years old at this time, and Ann Hart signed a document that promised James freedom after 15 years of service to Peter Gordon, i.e., at age 25. James's term would end on 28 April 1811. It can be inferred that this document was part of a sale transaction and that some money probably exchanged hands, but the consideration that Anne Hart received from Peter Gordon for James's indenture was not recorded in this document. There was likely a separate bill of sale or contract created as part of this transaction, but it was not preserved in the State Archives. Anne Hart's husband, the Rev. Oliver Hart (a Baptist minister), had died four months prior, and his will stipulated that Anne should sell most of his property and invest the money in trust for their young son. The sale of James appears consistent with the Rev. Oliver Hart's instructions for his estate. James's new master was Peter Gordon, a shopkeeper, postmaster, and politician in Trenton. Peter Gordon was a former neighbor of the Hart family, having maintained a store and farm near the Baptist Church in Hopewell for many years before relocating to Trenton. ----- Transcript of the source document: "State of New Jersey Hunterdon [?] I Anne Hart widow of the Revd. Oliver Hart of the Township of Hopewell in said County of Hunterdon deceased— To all whom it may concern send Greeting— Whereas I have this day bound my Negro Slave called James of the age of Ten years old or thereabouts, to Peter Gordon of Trenton in sd County, Shopkeeper, to serve with him His Heirs or assigns for the term of fifteen years from the day of the date hereof. Now know ye that I the said Anne Hart have at the expiration of the term aforesaid, liberated, manumitted, and set free and discharge the said James from all slavery or servitude to be required of him by me or by any other person claiming by from or under me after the expiration of the term aforesaid. In Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand & affixed my seal this Twenty eighth day of April One Thousand Seven Hundred & Ninety Six — 1796. Anne Hart Witnesses Silvester Doyles Chas. Gordon [reverse side] 31. Manumission of Negro — James Slave to the Reverend Oliver Hart Decd Recorded Recorded in the "Records of the County of Hunterdon" Book A. folio 93. This 5 day of March 1797. Stockton Clerk"

A Black man named Choisi ran away from his enslaver Mr. Tulane in Princeton, NJ on September 29, 1796. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Eight Dollars Reward. Ran Away, from Princeton, between the 29th and 30th September, a NEGRO MAN who calls himself CHOISI, about 5 feet 10 inches high, carries himself very straight, speaks French, the Creole Idiom, and bad English, he stutters and speaks a little through the nose; his fore teeth are pointed; he has a full and round face, and a thin beard; his chin is full of pimples which look rather like a ringworm. He had on when he went away, a great coat of blue cloth, a jacket of black cloth, patched on the elbows with pieces of blue cloth, a pair of very tight nankeen pantaloons, and a round hat with a very high crown, he took also with him two nankeen waist coats. Masters of vessels are warned not to carry off the said Negro at their peril. Whoever secures the above run-away so that his master may have him again, shall have the above reward by applying to Mr. Tulane at Princeton, or to Mr. LeBreton, Dentist, No. 135, Chestnut Street, Philadelphia. Oct. 22."

Around the end of 1796, Black freedom seeker Michael was apprehended by his enslaver William McClellan. Michael had run away from McClellan's home in York, PA, two years prior. Michael was going by the name Jem, living in Trenton, and working for "Mr. Vanbertie a foreign minister" when he was captured by McClellan, who came to Trenton to apprehend the runaway. Michael would go on to make another escape attempt six months later.

A Black man named Jack ran away from his enslaver Frederick Cruser of Rocky Hill mills, near Princeton, New Jersey. He left Rocky Hill and went toward Boston. He was seen in Dighton, MA, and passed Taunton, MA, on his way to Boston before he was captured and brought back to New Jersey. The exact date of this escape is not known. It occurred sometime in 1798 or earlier, and Jack would have been under the age of 23 at the time. Information about this escape attempt comes from a runaway ad that was published after Jack ran away again; that runaway ad, published in January 1799, mentioned that Jack had run away before and detailed Jack's previous escape route. The ad stated: "ran away once before and was found at one Devenports 10 miles this side of Boston, on the road from Tanton to Boston, had been at Diton."

The New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery created a report enumerating Black people who lived in Burlington, Burlington County, New Jersey. The report is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society collected these reports circa 1797–1798. The report enumerated people in three separate columns: free Black American households, American (primarily English-speaking) households with slaves, and French (Francophone) households with slaves. This Registration event compiles data about the Black people in English-speaking families, which were listed in the central column marked "Slaves." For additional information about the other people mentioned in the report, see the two related events (linked below) for free Black people and Francophone enslaved people (who were marked "French" and were listed separately). The central "Slaves" column contains 28 household names, with a total of at least 38 slaves across all households, evenly split between male and female. Most households are listed by family name only, while a couple of people have a first name or first initial that was recorded. The names of the enslaved Black people were not written down; only the name of the enslaver is provided. Following the name, the scribe recorded how many male and female enslaved people were in each household (written as "mail" or "femail"). The ages of the enslaved people are not indicated, so it is not possible to know whether most of these people were adults or children, although in a couple of instances, the word "boy" or "girl" is used to signal a young age. Note that the scribe who compiled the Burlington report used highly idiosyncratic spellings, and the author's handwriting was less neat than the other reports received by the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery. The New Jersey Slavery Records team has attempted to decipher as many names as possible, but some unusual spellings and errors of transcription are sure to persist. We invite local researchers to contact us with any corrections or additional information about the people whose names are listed here.

A report of Black people residing in Northampton, Burlington County, was provided to Robert Smith Jr of the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery. The report is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society collected these reports circa 1797–1798. The report enumerates 27 men (by name), 20 women (one by name and 19 as wives), and indicates that 9 families have children (total number of children uncertain). The list includes both free and enslaved people, but does not explicitly note the freedom status of each person, making it challenging to confirm who was free or enslaved. Some lines list a dollar amount representing the family's "worth in dollars," i.e., the estimated property that the family holds, with William Boen and wife being the most prosperous with a worth of $300. Most lines do not list an amount. Some people are listed by first name only, while others include a last name. Only one line mentions the name of an enslaver associated with the person, making it explicit that this person was enslaved ("Primos slave to L. Rosel"). The people who have property are presumed to be free. The freedom status of other individuals is unconfirmed. Note that one family, that of Thomas Brown and wife and children, appears to be listed twice. This family was counted only once in the totals provided above.

The New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery created a report enumerating free and enslaved Black people in the townships of Springfield and New Hanover in Burlington County, New Jersey. The report is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society collected these reports circa 1797–1798. The report lists 42 individuals by name. If we include the additional (unnamed) people in free Black households, there were a total of 83 people of color counted in these two townships. The following columns provide additional information about each named person: Householder, Freeholder, Slave, Industrious, Sober, No. in Family (number of people), and Worth in Dollars (representing the value of the property the person holds). The report does not specify whether each person lived in Springfield or in New Hanover. Of the 42 named people: - 3 are listed as slaves, while the remainder are, presumably, free (or possibly indentured for a term of years, but not enslaved for life). - 17 are listed as householders, meaning that they maintained their own home, rather than living as a servant with a white family; householders list the number of people in their family, ranging from 1 to 6. - 4 are listed as freeholders, meaning that they owned land or real estate, which entitled them to certain rights and privileges reserved for freeholders. - 15 people listed "worth in dollars" ranging from $10 to $1,500; 9 of these people were householders, while 6 were not householders, but were nonetheless able to accumulate some personal property. - Peter Thorn had the largest family, with 6 people in his household, and had a worth of $1,500, making him by far the most prosperous Black resident of this area.

In 1797, the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery created a report enumerating free and enslaved Black people in the township of Chester, Burlington County, New Jersey. The report counted 10 enslaved people. The enslaved people's names were not recorded. Instead, the "Slaves" side of the report listed the names of 8 white men who held 1 to 2 Black people in bondage in their household. The enumerator used non-standard phonetic spellings for some of the names on the list. Based on known family names in the Chester area in the late 18th century, "Scank" refers to the Schank family and "Hulings" is presumed to be Hewlings. The following is a complete transcript of the "Slaves" column from this report: "Slaves John Bispham 1 John Scank 2 Richard Edwards 1 Abraham Hulings 1 Wiliam Foster 1 John Cox 2 John Earl 1 Hezekiah Toy 1"

The New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery created a report enumerating free and enslaved Black people in the township of Evesham, Burlington County, New Jersey. The report is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society collected these reports circa 1797–1798. Most of the Black people living in Evesham at this time were free. The report enumerates 6 enslaved people, of whom 4 are listed by name, and 2 are unnamed family members of a man named Tobe (presumably his wife and child). Below the names of the enslaved people, the report includes this note: "Several of the above are so far free, as to go when they please." This indicates that some of the enslaved people in Evesham township had considerable autonomy in terms of their movement through the community.

The New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery created a report enumerating Black people who lived in Burlington, Burlington County, New Jersey. The report is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society collected these reports circa 1797–1798. The report enumerated free and enslaved people in separate columns. This Registration event compiles data about the Black people listed in the column titled "Free Amaricans" on the left side of the report. See also two related events (linked below) for data about the English-speaking and Francophone enslaved people, who were listed separately in the same document. The report contains 28 names of free Black people. Only one name per family group was written on the report. For married couples, this is the husband's name, and the majority of the names on the list are men's names. Four women are listed by name. Each line notes whether the person was single, married, and whether there were children in the household, listed as "mail" or "femail" by the scribe. In total, we counted 67 free people in this report, 24 men, 12 women (including the unnamed wives), and 31 children (14 boys and 17 girls). See the comment for each participant for details that were listed under their name; the comment contains a verbatim transcript of the relevant line from the source document. Note that the scribe who compiled the Burlington report used highly idiosyncratic spellings, and the author's handwriting was less neat than the other reports received by the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery. The New Jersey Slavery Records team has attempted to decipher as many names as possible, but some unusual spellings and errors of transcription are sure to persist. We invite local researchers to contact us with any corrections or additional information about the people whose names are listed here.

In 1797, the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery created a report enumerating free and enslaved Black people in the township of Chester, Burlington County, New Jersey. The "Free" side of the report listed 13 names: 9 individual men and 4 who had families. Each name on the list is followed by a number, which represents the number of people counted for that household. In total, the report enumerated 23 free Black people. The enumerator used non-standard phonetic spellings for some of the names on the list. The name listed here as "Coperthwait" / "Copperthwait" is more often written as Cowperthwaite (or Cowperthwait) in the historical records for this township. The following is a complete transcript of the "Free" column from this report: "Free Nathan Middleton 1 Abraham Brown 1 Aron Engle 1 Thomas Bispham 1 [Peter?] Pool 1 Sip Ball 1 Thomas Western [or Westerr] & family 4 Hugh Coperthwait 1 Christopher Wilson & family 4 John Summers & family 4 Sip Jolly & Wife 2 Joseph Hackney 1 Job Copperthwait 1"

The New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery received a report counting Black people in the township of Egg Harbour, Burlington County, New Jersey. Note that Egg Harbour refers to the township now known as Little Egg Harbor, Ocean County; it was originally part of Burlington County. The report is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society collected these reports circa 1797–1798. The report did not list names and only provided this information: "Agreeable to Accounts from Eggharbour there is about 12 Black people there and all of them free"

The New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery created a report enumerating free and enslaved Black people in the township of Evesham, Burlington County, New Jersey. The report is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society collected these reports circa 1797–1798. The report enumerates 81 free Black people, of whom 28 are listed by name, and the remainder are their household members. The total of 81 includes 12 minors who are living in different households throughout the township as apprentices. The report further enumerates 6 enslaved people, of whom 4 are listed by name and 2 are unnamed family members of a man named Tobe (presumably his wife and child). Below the names of the enslaved people, the report includes this note: "Several of the above are so far free, as to go when they please." This indicates that some of the enslaved people in Evesham township had considerable autonomy in terms of their movement through the community.

The New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery received a note about the number of Black people in the township of Willingboro, Burlington County, New Jersey. The document is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society compiled reports about free and enslaved residents of Burlington County circa 1797–1798. No names were recorded for Willingboro, only this brief note suggesting that there was a handful of free Black residents in the township and none enslaved. The note was scribbled on the back of a much more extensive and detailed report for the city and township of Burlington. Transcript of the note: "In Willingborough there does not appear to be more than 5 or 6 Blacks, among them one Housekeeper, but no Slaves" The term "housekeeper" indicates that one person had their own independent home (whether owned or rented) and probably had other family members living with them, while the rest of the Black people in Willingboro lived as servants within white households.

The New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery created a report enumerating Black people who lived in Burlington, Burlington County, New Jersey. The report is undated. Other documents in the same file suggest that the society collected these reports circa 1797–1798. The report enumerated people in three separate columns: free Black American households, American (primarily English-speaking) households with slaves, and French (Francophone) households with slaves. This Registration event compiles data from the third column of the report, which was marked "French." This represents primarily Francophone families that held people in slavery. The French residents of Burlington at this time were planter expatriates from Saint-Domingue who relocated to New Jersey during the Haitian Revolution. For additional information about the other people mentioned in the report, see the two related events (linked below) for free Black people and American (English-speaking) enslaved people. The "French" column enumerated a total of 24 enslaved people, 12 male and 12 female. The households are listed by family name only. The names of the enslaved Black people were not written down; only the name of the enslaver is provided. Following the name, the scribe recorded how many male and female enslaved people were in each household (written as "mail" or "femail"). The ages of the enslaved people are not indicated, so it is not possible to know whether most of these people were adults or children. Note that the scribe who compiled the Burlington report used highly idiosyncratic spellings, and the author's handwriting was less neat than the other reports received by the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery. The New Jersey Slavery Records team has attempted to decipher as many names as possible, but some unusual spellings and errors of transcription are sure to persist. We invite local researchers to contact us with any corrections or additional information about the people whose names are listed here. The full transcript of the "French" column is as follows: "2 - 1 Mail 1 Femail Barbaroosh 5 - Mail 2 femail 3 Hodkinson 1 femail Convershier 1 Mail Decrabo 3 Mail 2 femail 1 Kings 2 femail Treet 1 Mail Rosses 6 Mail 3 femail 3 at Bridg 1 Mail Elton House 1 femail Factory 1 Mail" The first row did not contain a name, and simply listed 2 people (1 male and 1 female) without indicating which household they belonged to. This was followed by the names Barbaroosh (undoubtedly referring to the area's most prominent French enslaver Jean Andre Barbarroux), Hodkinson (probably Hodgkinson), Convershier (a possible bastardization of a French name), Decrabo (matching a Monsieur Decrabo in Burlington tax ratables), King (matching Madam King in Burlington tax ratables), Treet, and Rosses. The last three rows are referring to places, rather than family names: at Bridge, Elton House, and Factory. Whether the people who served at these locations were from the French households is not known. This is the only place in the document where several enslaved people were listed by location rather than by household name.

Sojourner Truth was born into bondage in Swartekill (near present-day Rifton), a hamlet in Hurley, Ulster County, New York. Her birth name was Isabella. Her parents were James and Betsy Baumfree, who were enslaved to Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. (1729-1799). Following New York law, Isabella inherited her mother's condition of unfreedom and was at the time of her birth deemed a slave of Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. ESTIMATING THE DATE OF SOJOURNER TRUTH'S BIRTH: The exact date of her birth is not known. Many secondary sources list her approximate year of birth as 1797. Comparing her book, The Narrative of Sojourner Truth (narrated to Olive Gilbert and first published in 1850), with archival sources that document the events of her childhood suggests that she may have been born in 1798 or in the first half of 1799. EXAMINING PASSAGES FROM THE NARRATIVE OF SOJOURNER TRUTH: "THE subject of this biography, Sojourner Truth, as she now calls herself, but whose name originally was Isabella, was the daughter of James and Betsey, slaves of one Col. Ardinburgh, Hurley, Ulster County, N. Y. Sojourner does not know in what year she was born, but knows she was liberated under the act of 1817, which freed all slaves who were forty years old and upward. Ten thousand slaves were then set at liberty. Those under forty years of age were retained in servitude ten years longer, when all were emancipated." (Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 13) In 1799, New York State began to gradually abolish slavery. The Act for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery went into effect on July 4, 1799. The law stipulated that a daughter born to an enslaved mother after July 4, 1799, would not inherit the condition of permanent enslavement, but rather would become free after serving her mother's master for 25 years (sons had to serve for 28 years before they could become free). Evidently, Sojourner Truth did not benefit from this law. We know Truth inherited her mother's condition of enslavement, and thus we must assume that Truth was born before July 4, 1799. As Truth's narrative recalls, she expected to gain freedom under the Gradual Emancipation Law of 1817, which stipulated that enslaved individuals born before July 4, 1799, would be emancipated on July 4, 1827. "Of her first master, she can give no account, as she must have been a mere infant when he died; and she with her parents and some ten or twelve other fellow human chattels, became the legal property of his son, Charles Ardinburgh." (Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 13) Truth recounted that she was an infant when Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. passed away. Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. passed away in 1799. "Isabella and Peter, her youngest brother, remained, with their parents, the legal property of Charles Ardinburgh till his decease, which took place when Isabella was near nine years old." (Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 17) "At this memorable time, Isabella was struck off, for the sum of one hundred dollars, to one John Nealy, of Ulster County, New York; and she has an impression that in this sale she was connected with a lot of sheep. She was now nine years of age, and her trials in life may be dated from this period. She says, with emphasis, 'Now the war begun.'" (Narrative of Sojourner Truth, p. 26) Truth recalled being sold at auction at the age of 9, a sale that was precipitated by the death of her second enslaver Charles Hardenbergh. This is one of the most vivid memories of her childhood. Charles Hardenbergh died in early 1808.

A sale advertisement for a Black man and a Black woman, both aged 30, was published in the Newark newspaper Centinel of Freedom in May 1797. The name of the enslaver was not mentioned. The sale would be brokered by the printer of the newspaper, Daniel Dodge. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TO BE SOLD, A Negro Man & Woman, Aged about thirty. THE man understands farming, and the woman cookery and all kinds of household work. They will be sold separately or together, as may best suit the purchasers.— For particulars, enquire of the Printers. May 10. 32-t.f."

On May 28, 1797, a Black man named Michael ran away from his enslaver William McClellan of York, Pennsylvania. McClellan published a runaway ad that provided details about Michael's biography and information about his previous escape attempt. According to the runaway ad, Michael was "raised in Princeton in New Jersey, by Captain Albert Scank," using the phonetic spelling for the name of Michael's original enslaver. This family's name in the Princeton area is usually spelled Schenck. McClellan supposed that Michael would try to return to New Jersey as he had done during his previous escape attempt two and a half years prior. The ad also noted that Michael went by the alias Jem and worked for "Mr. Vanbertie a foreign minister" in Trenton last time he ran away. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Fifty Dollars Reward. Ran away from the subscriber in the borough of York, the 28th inst. a negro man named Michael, he is about five feet 8 or 10 inches high, stout made, broad shouldered, thick jawed, bandy legged, and stoops considerably when walking; has lost two or three of his fore teeth, is somewhat dull of hearing and seldom speaks unless spoken to. Had on and took with him a grey coloured cloth coat, a jacket and overalls of drab colour, 1 pair of nankeen coveralls, 1 pair of striped trowsers, 1 fine shirt, and 1 or 2 coarse do. 1 pair of new shoes. The said negro was raised in Princeton in New Jersey, by Captain Albert Scank, and it is probable he may attempt to return there. He ran away about two years and a half since, and lived some time near Reading in this state, where he obtained a pass which carried him to Trenton in Jersey, and there had it countersigned by a Justice Anderson from whence he went to New-York, and returned to Trenton; at which place I apprehended him last winter in the service of Mr. Vanbertie a foreign minister, at that time he was called by the name of Jem. Whoever takes up said Negro and secures him in any jail, so that I may get him again, shall receive the above reward. WILLIAM MCCLELLAN. June 5."

A sale advertisement for a 25-year-old Black man was published in the Newark newspaper Centinel of Freedom in July 1797. The name of the enslaver was not mentioned. The sale would be brokered by the printer of the newspaper, Daniel Dodge. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TO BE SOLD, A NEGRO MAN, ABOUT twenty-five years old, brought up to the farming business. He is strongly made; active; of a good disposition, and capable of doing as much work, perhaps, as any man in the state. The price for him is only two hundred and fifty dollars. Enquire of the Printers hereof. Newark, July 12, 1797 41-4w"

A sale advertisement for a 14-year-old Black girl was published in the Newark newspaper Centinel of Freedom in December 1797. The name of the enslaver was not mentioned. The sale would be brokered by the printer of the newspaper, Daniel Dodge. ----- Transcript of the source document: "FOR SALE, A LIKELY active NEGRO GIRL, about fourteen years of age. To be sold for want of employ. Enquire at the Centinel Office. December 18, 1797. 64-3w"

A Black freedom seeker named Jack was apprehended 10 miles south of Boston (on the road between Taunton and Boston, after passing Dighton). He was captured at the home (or business) of a person named Devenport. Jack was brought back to Rocky Hill, near Princeton, New Jersey, where his enslaver Frederick Cruser lived and operated a mill. The exact date of this event is not known. It occurred sometime in 1798 or earlier, and Jack would have been under the age of 23 at the time. Information about this capture event comes from a runaway ad that was published after Jack ran away again; that runaway ad, published in January 1799, mentioned that Jack had run away before and was captured. The ad stated: "ran away once before and was found at one Devenports 10 miles this side of Boston, on the road from Tanton to Boston, had been at Diton."

George Anderson provided a report of free and enslaved Black people in Nottingham Township (present-day Hamilton and South Trenton area) to Robert Smith Jr of the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1798. Anderson's letter gave the overall numbers of free, enslaved, and indentured people in the township, but did not list their names or the names of the enslavers. The report noted that there were 2 men who were indentured for a term of years and would soon gain freedom: one had a year to serve, another five years; one was married to a free woman, the other had a wife who was enslaved and several children with her. The following is a transcript of the relevant passage from Anderson's letter: "There are two servants under indenture one of which has upwards of one year to serve the other about five, They are men of abt. 30 years of age, one has a free wife the other a slave, & has several children"

George Anderson provided a report of free and enslaved Black people in Nottingham Township (present-day Hamilton and South Trenton area) to Robert Smith Jr of the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1798. Anderson's letter gave the overall numbers of free, enslaved, and indentured people in the township, but did not list their names or the names of the enslavers. The report noted that there were 45 enslaved people of all ages, of whom 21 "belong to the French." From this, we can infer that 24 people were enslaved in American (primarily English-speaking) families. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Trenton 22d Feby 1798 Friend Smith yours of the 20th Respecting the Blacks in Nottingm I duly recd and in Ansr thereto I mention — 1st That there is about forty five including all ages and sexes in Slavery, of this number about Twenty one belong to the French — 2d There is Seven families of Free Blacks amounting in the whole to about Twenty five persons, They are home keepers, but I believe own no land They are all in low circumstances, but have hitherto Supported fair Characters as to Honesty & Temperance Some of them are so far advanced in age as to render them in a great measure unable to Labour, some Others are Reasonably industrious & frugal — There are two servants under indenture one of which has upwards of one year to serve the other about five, They are men of abt. 30 years of age, one has a free wife the other a slave, & has several children, — The slaves are some very old & some very young the masters of some of the Males, complain that they are too fond of Strong drink, Though I believe they generally have behaved reasonably well as far as I can judge from Report I am with Sentiments of Respect your frd &c Geo. Anderson [signature] Robt. Smith [recipient] [verso] Letter of G. Anderson containing Report of the Blacks in Nottingham. Mr. Robert Smith Burlington Hond. p r } Mr Cox }"

George Anderson provided a report of free and enslaved Black people in Nottingham Township (present-day Hamilton and South Trenton area) to Robert Smith Jr of the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1798. Anderson's letter gave the overall numbers of free, enslaved, and indentured people in the township, but did not list their names or the names of the enslavers. There were 7 free black families with about 25 people in total, most of whom maintained their own separate households (rather than living as servants with white families), but they did not own their land. The following is a transcript of the relevant section from Anderson's letter that mentions free people: "There is Seven families of Free Blacks amounting in the whole to about Twenty five persons, They are home keepers, but I believe own no land They are all in low circumstances, but have hitherto Supported fair Characters as to Honesty & Temperance Some of them are so far advanced in age as to render them in a great measure unable to Labour, some Others are Reasonably industrious & frugal"

George Anderson provided a report of free and enslaved Black people in Nottingham Township (present-day Hamilton and South Trenton area) to Robert Smith Jr of the New Jersey Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1798. Anderson's letter gave the overall numbers of free, enslaved, and indentured people in the township, but did not list their names or the names of the enslavers. The report noted that, of the 45 enslaved people of all ages in Nottingham, 21 "belong to the French." In this context, "French" refers primarily to French-speaking planters who relocated from Saint-Domingue (Haiti) to New Jersey during the Haitian Revolution and brought enslaved people with them from the Caribbean. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Trenton 22d Feby 1798 Friend Smith yours of the 20th Respecting the Blacks in Nottingm I duly recd and in Ansr thereto I mention — 1st That there is about forty five including all ages and sexes in Slavery, of this number about Twenty one belong to the French — 2d There is Seven families of Free Blacks amounting in the whole to about Twenty five persons, They are home keepers, but I believe own no land They are all in low circumstances, but have hitherto Supported fair Characters as to Honesty & Temperance Some of them are so far advanced in age as to render them in a great measure unable to Labour, some Others are Reasonably industrious & frugal — There are two servants under indenture one of which has upwards of one year to serve the other about five, They are men of abt. 30 years of age, one has a free wife the other a slave, & has several children, — The slaves are some very old & some very young the masters of some of the Males, complain that they are too fond of Strong drink, Though I believe they generally have behaved reasonably well as far as I can judge from Report I am with Sentiments of Respect your frd &c Geo. Anderson [signature] Robt. Smith [recipient] [verso] Letter of G. Anderson containing Report of the Blacks in Nottingham. Mr. Robert Smith Burlington Hond. p r } Mr Cox }"

The following manumission record was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. Note that the place mentioned in the document is Kent County, Maryland. It is not clear from the transcript why this document was filed in Gloucester County. The original manumission was performed in 1798, but this copy of the document was notarized 11 years later in 1809. It is possible that Joe came to Gloucester County after he was manumitted and filed this notarized copy of the document with county officials there to record his status as a freed man. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 19 TRANSCRIPT: Kent County State Maryland. To all whom these presence shall come Greetings:- Know ye that I Ann Cobourn of the County and State aforesaid, for whom good Causes and Consideration me thereto moving do hereby declare free, Manumitt, and Enfranchise a negro man called Joe and hereby Acknowledge [. .] Said Joe, is charged from all claim of Survice and right of property, Whatever from me my heirs Executors administrators [. .] As Witness my hand and seal this Ninth day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand Seven hundred and Ninty Eight Ann Coburn (Seal) Witness William Harris and Joseph William In Test [...] whereof [. . .] have this [. . .] in the year of Lord Eighteen hundred and nine and [. . .] affixed the seal of my office. Attest Ben Chambers

Jenne, aged 21 to 35, was manumitted by Joseph Freeman of Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The certificate of manumission was signed by the Overseers of the Poor of Woodbridge (Matthew Freeman, John Conway) and Justices of the Peace for Middlesex County (Henry Marsh, Ichabod Potter) on March 10, 1798. The document stated that Jenne was examined in court and met the eligibility requirements for manumission in New Jersey, i.e. the person was aged between 21 and 35 years old and was "sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity" of obtaining a livelihood. This manumission was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk (William P. Deare) on May 9, 1803.

On 30 March 1798, Rose's enslaver, Solomon Combs, made an indenture agreement regarding Rose's term of service. Rose would serve a man named John Lawrence in Deptford, Gloucester County. (Whether Solomon Combs also lived in Deptford is uncertain.) The term of service was about five and a half years, although the exact expiration date is not known. At the start of this indenture agreement, Rose would have been about 28 years old. At the end of her term, Rose was supposed to be set free. The details of this indenture agreement were recorded by a man named James B. Caldwell in the manumission documents that were filed for Rose in 1803 after she completed her term of service. Evidently, the indenture agreement gave James B. Caldwell the authority to manumit Rose on behalf of Solomon Combs at the end of Rose's term of service.

On April 10, 1798, a 21-year-old Black woman named Han ran away from her enslaver Isaac Van Saun. Han took her 9-month-old baby with her when she escaped. She ran away from Preakness, which is in present-day Wayne township, Passaic County (but was then part of Bergen County). ----- Transcript of the source document: "TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN-AWAY from the Subscriber, on Tuesday the 10th day of April, a Negro Wench, named HAN, and her child. The wench is about 21 years of age, and the child nine months. Whoever will take up the said wench and child, and secure them, shall have the above reward. ISAAC VAN SAUN. Pragness (Bergen County) } April 23, 1798. } 8a-3w.p."

Dick Highman was manumitted by Frederick Buckalew of South Amboy, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The deed of manumission was signed on April 10, 1798, by Frederick Buckalew in the presence of witnesses James Voorhees, Samuel Applegate, and John Rhodes. This document was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk (William P. Deare) on September 8, 1819, over 21 years after it was originally signed by the enslaver. Frederick Buckalew appeared before Judge Robert McChesney on September 4, 1819, to authenticate the original document and acknowledge that he had signed it.

Enslaver John Trimmer issued a notice that an enslaved man ran away from him on April 22, 1798, in Dutch Valley (present-day Long Valley area, Morris County). Trimmer described the runaway as a "mulatto man," but did not mention his name. Trimmer offered a reward of $10 for the runaway's capture. The following is the complete transcript of John Trimmer's runaway ad, as it appeared in the May 24, 1798, issue of the Morristown newspaper Genius of Liberty: "Ten Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY from the subscriber on the night of the 22nd inst. a Mulatto Man, about five feet high, pretty stout and thick-set, had on when he went away, a bottle-green, tight-bodied coat, scarlet jacket, thickset breeches, and a forum hat not much worn; supposed to have carried a small bundle with him. Whoever will apprehend said mulatto fellow, and confine him in any gaol in this state, or return him to his master, shall have the above reward. (49,tf,1dp.) JOHN TRIMMER. Dutch Valley, Morris County, April 23."

On April 24, 1798, Thomas Read and Archibald Read sold a Black man named Tony to John Neilson of New Brunswick, NJ, for a term of 5 years. John Neilson paid 100 dollars for Tony (50 dollars to each of Tony's two sellers). Tony was an adult at this time, but his age was not recorded in the relevant documents. The sellers were the sons of the late Rev. Israel Read (late long-time pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Bound Brook in Somerset County), and they had inherited Tony from their father when he passed away in 1793. Where exactly Tony lived between 1793 and this sale in 1798 is unclear. The Read brothers grew up in Bound Brook, but Dr. Thomas Read lived in Montgomery County in upstate New York in 1798. He personally came to New Brunswick to sign the sale documents. Archibald Read probably also lived outside of the area by 1798 because he did not personally appear at the sale. Archibald had the executor of his father's estate, Dr. Moses Scott, sign the documents and accept the payment on his behalf. As the result of this sale, Tony would go to live with John Neilson in New Brunswick. Two archival documents pertaining to the sale were preserved in the Neilson Family Papers. Both documents were dated April 24, 1798. In the documents, the sellers' family name is variously spelled Read or Reed, and the name of the enslaved man is variously written as Tony or Tone. The first document is an indenture for Tony, an agreement between the sellers Thomas Read and Archibald Read (signed by Moses Scott on Archibald's behalf) and the buyer John Neilson. This indenture was witnessed by Judge Elijah Phillips and Joseph W. Scott. The indenture stated that Tony was sold for a period of 5 years from the date of the sale. The indenture did not explicitly state what would happen to Tony after the 5-year term, but it said that Thomas and Archibald "divest themselves of all right & title in the said negro man Tony." This seems to imply that Tony was supposed to gain freedom at the expiration of the 5-year term in 1803 and would not return to the Read family. The second document is a certification of Tony's consent to be sold to John Neilson for the 5-year term. This certification was signed by Elijah Phillips, Judge of the Common Pleas for Middlesex County, who noted that Tony personally appeared before him and agreed to the terms of the sale. See the linked sources for the complete transcripts of the documents.

A sale advertisement for an 8-year-old Black boy was published in the Newark newspaper Centinel of Freedom in July 1798. The name of the enslaver was not mentioned, but the ad said that the seller could be contacted at the Thistle Paper-Mill in Springfield (this refers to present-day Millburn). Prospective buyers could also enquire of the newspaper printer Daniel Dodge, who could act as a broker in the sale. ----- Transcript of the source document: "FOR SALE, A LIKELY NEGRO BOY about eight years old. The said BOY will be exchanged for one 12 or 13 years of age, and whatever may be the difference of the value of the boy that may be offered for exchange, will be generously paid. For further particulars, enquire at the Office of the Centinel, or at the Thistle Paper-Mill, Springfield. July 9. —93-t.f."

A sale advertisement for a young Black man, aged 19 years, was published in the Newark newspaper Centinel of Freedom in October 1798. The name of the enslaver was not mentioned. The sale would be brokered by the printer of the newspaper, Daniel Dodge. ----- Transcript of the source document: "FOR SALE, AN active NEGRO BOY, nineteen years of age. For further particulars, enquire at this Office. October 22, 1798."

On Sunday, December 30, 1798, a Black man named Jack, aged about 23, ran away from enslaver Frederick Cruser of Rocky Hill mills, near Princeton, New Jersey. Cruser submitted a runaway ad for Jack to a New York newspaper. The ad noted that Jack had made a previous escape attempt, during which he went toward Boston by way of Dighton and Taunton (two towns in Massachusetts on the road to Boston). Cruser believed that Jack would once again attempt to reach Boston and then possibly go to Vermont. ----- Transcript of the source document: "100 Dollars Reward Runaway on Sunday the 30th Dec. last, from the subscriber living at Rocky Hill mills, near Princeton, state of New Jersey, a small negro man named Jack, about 5 feet 2 or 3 inches high, 23 years of age, pretty black shows his teeth very much when he laughs, has a very bad cough particularly night, was brought up a miller, and occasionally tended a saw mill. Had on when he went away, a new black fur hat, a light coloured long coat and striped trowsers, ran away once before and was found at one Devenports 10 miles this side of Boston, on the road from Tanton to Boston, had been at Diton, expect had gone the same road to Boston, or likely gone on to Vermont state. I suppose he had a forged pass with him, whoever taked up said slave and returns him to his master shall receive the 100 dollars, or 80 dollars to lodge him in New York goal, or 40 dollars to lodge him in any other goal, and give notice to his master so that he may get him again, shall receive the above rewards of FRED. CRUSER jan 16 1w"

In 1799, when Sojourner Truth was an infant, her first enslaver Johannes Hardenbergh Jr. (1729-1799) died. Johannes Hardenbergh Jr.'s son Charles Hardenbergh inherited Sojourner Truth and her parents James and Betsey Baumfree as part of the Hardenbergh estate. At the time of this event, Sojourner Truth's name was Isabella. The following is a copy of the relevant passage from her book The Narrative of Sojourner Truth: "Of her first master, she can give no account, as she must have been a mere infant when he died; and she with her parents and some ten or twelve other fellow human chattels, became the legal property of his son, Charles Ardinburgh." (p. 13)

On January 19, 1799, the executors of the estate of David Williamson of South Brunswick sold a Black woman named Lydia to Professor John Mclean Sr. of Princeton University (then called the College of New Jersey) for the sum of $160. Lydia's age was not recorded in the bill of sale. The estate executors who signed the bill of sale were Thomas McDowell, John Perrine, Stephen Johnes, and James Schureman, all sons-in-law of the deceased David Williamson. Williamson had died about two years prior in 1797. Benjamin Griggs and John Van Pelt signed as witnesses. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Know all men by these presents that we Thomas McDowell John Perrine Stephen Johnes & James Schureman Executors of the last will & Testament of David Williamson Dec'd. Late of South Brunswick County of Middlesex and State of New Jersey for the sum of one hundred & fifty dollars to them in hand paid have and do bargain and sell to John McClane his Heirs Executors administrators or assigns a female slave named Lydia to have and to hold to him his Executors administrators heirs & assigns forever of which said slave Lydia we have put the said John McClane in full possession at the sealing of these presents in the name of the whole hereby sold - and we do warrant and defend the said John McClane in peaceable possession of said slave Lydia against us & all persons Lawfully claiming from or under us or from the said David Williamson Dec'd. as witness our hands and seals this 19th Day of January In the year of our Lord 1799. Thos. McDowell John Perrine Stephen Johnes Jas Schureman Sealed & Delivered In the presence of Benjamin Griggs John Van Pelt"

In February 1799, enslaver Benjamin Vincent, a resident of Paterson, New Jersey, advertised the sale of a Black man, aged about 23. At the same time, Benjamin Vincent also advertised the sale of an active farm that he owned in Pequannock, Morris County. The ad mentioned that the Black man was "brought up to the farming business" and could also "drive a stage" or work as a gentleman's servant. Benjamin Vincent was the owner of a stagecoach company that transported passengers from Paterson to other cities in the region. The Black man discussed here likely had experience working as a stagecoach driver on one of Benjamin Vincent's routes. ----- Transcript of the source document: "FOR SALE, A FARM at Pequanock, in the county of Morris, late belonging to Samuel Stiles, containing 159 acres of land, 50 acres of which are timber land, about 40 acres good tillable land, and about 20 acres of good meadow, and 40 more may be made. There is on the farm a good orchard, a good stone house, a frame kitchen at one end of the house, and a frame building at the other, formerly occupied as a store; a good barn, and a well of excellent water at the door. The farm lies about 10 miles from Morris-Town, and 25 from New-York. The whole of the farm will be sold together, or the one half, as may suit the purchaser. Any person inclining to purchase, may apply to John Stiles, on the premises, or to the Subscriber, in Paterson, by whom a good title will be given, and terms of payment easy. BENJAMIN VINCENT. Paterson, Feb. 25, 1799. 26-4w. The above Subscriber has for Sale, a healthy, stout, able-bodied NEGRO MAN, about 23 years of age, brought up to the farming business, and would suit very well to drive a stage, or wait on a gentleman. B. V."

Around the spring of 1799, a Black man named Abner ran away from Isaac Tunnell of Dagsborough, Delaware. Tunnell believed that Abner might have gone to Pennsylvania or New Jersey and placed an ad in a Trenton newspaper offering a reward for anyone who would apprehend and jail Abner anywhere in Delaware, Pennsylvania, or New Jersey. Tunnell wrote his ad on June 26, 1800, indicating that Abner was still at large more than a year after his escape. The ad was still running in the papers as of December 1800, suggesting that Abner continued to evade capture. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Thirty Dollars Reward. RANAWAY, a year ago last spring, a BLACK MAN, named Abner, about 40 years of age; 6 feet high; stout made, and has a small scar on one of his cheeks, occasioned by an inflamation proceeding from the tooth ach, which broke on the outside; he formerly belonged to Mr. Levin Dirickson. The above reward will be paid for securing the said servant in any jail in New-Jersey, Pennsylvania or Delaware until his master can get him again. ISAAC TUNNELL. Dagsborough, (state of Delaware) June 26, 1800. N.B. A letter put into any post-office, and directed as above will be duly received."

Hannah was manumitted on 14 June 1799, with five different people signing her manumission deed jointly. The original manumission deed was preserved by the Leake family and is held at the Cumberland County Historical Society. A copy of the manumission record was entered by the Cumberland County Clerk on 19 June 1799 in Book A, on page 33, on file at the Cumberland County Courthouse. While not explicitly stated in this source document, the reason why five different people had to sign for Hannah's manumission was that they were all heirs of the personal estate of Nathan Leake of Deerfield, Cumberland County (the deceased original enslaver of Hannah, who had died in 1790). Hence, they legally shared ownership of Hannah and provided their consent to manumit her. It is uncertain in whose household Hannah actually resided between Nathan Leake's death in 1790 and her manumission in 1799. The first person to sign the manumission deed was Hannah Leake née Fithian, Nathan Leake's widow, in whose household Hannah (and her husband and children) had originally been enslaved. The next two signatures belong to Nathan Leake's daughter, Ruth Leake Garrison, and Ruth's husband, William Garrison. A separate document from 1810 shows that the Garrisons held in bondage Hannah's son John, who had been born circa 1796. Considering John's service obligation to the Garrisons, it seems likely that Hannah served in the Garrison household in the 1790s before her manumission. The other two men who signed the document (Richard Mulford of Hopewell and Amos Fithian of Fairfield) appear to be related to the Leakes by marriage and thus had an ownership stake in the personal estate of Nathan Leake, but Hannah probably did not actually serve in their households, which were at some distance from the main Leake homestead and plantation in Deerfield. ----- Transcript of the source document: "Be it remembered that on the fourteenth day of June one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine we Hannah Leake William Garrison and Ruth Leake of the Township of Deerfield. Richard Mulford of the township of Hopewell and Amos Fithian of the Township of Fairfield all in the County of Cumberland have manumitted and set free our Negro slave named Hannah and we do by these presents manumit set free and forever discharge the said Hannah from our services as a Slave. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals the day and year above written. Hannah Leake [seal] William Garrison [seal] Ruth Leake [seal] Richard Mulford [seal] Amos Fithian [seal] Signed sealed and delivered in the presence of Azariah More Enos Ewing === "

On July 26, 1799, a Black man named Will ran away from his enslaver David Banks, who lived in Newark, New Jersey. Will went to New England and managed to evade capture for years. His enslaver eventually received intelligence that Will was seen in Providence, Rhode Island, and in Lyme, Connecticut. Aware that he was being pursued, Will moved on from those places to avoid being captured. Will was still at large as of February 1802, and his enslaver submitted a runaway ad to newspapers in New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Vermont in his attempt to find Will. The ad, published in February 1802, stated that Will was 49 years old, although it is not entirely clear whether Will was 49 at the time of the ad's publication in 1802 or at the time of his escape in 1799. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the night of the 26th July, 1799, a negro man named WILL, aged 49 years, about 5 feet 8 inches high; he is stout made and has a bald head; when he walks he throws out his feet and toes in a singular manner, walking very wide. He is a bold, daring fellow; talks and laughs much, and very loud; he speaks Low Dutch and middling good English, although he frequently gives his words the Dutch accent; he is not so very black as many of the African race; he is an arch fellow, and is very active on a farm, or on the water. Any person who will take up said negro, and deliver him to his master, or secure him in any goal so that his master may get him again, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid. All masters of vessels and other persons are forbid taking away said slave, or harboring him at their peril, under the penalty of one hundred pounds. DAVID BANKS. Newark, New-Jersey, February 8, 1802. N.B. The above negro has been seen at Providence (R.I.) and at Lime in Connecticut, but on being pursued, left that and is now supposed to be in some other parts of the Eastern states. The printers of the Rhode-Island Republican, the Bee, in Connecticut, and the Vermont Gazette, will much oblige the printers of this paper by giving the above advertisement an insertion for two or three weeks."

The following manumission record from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 20 TRANSCRIPT: Gloucester county to Wit ) We do hereby Certify that on this 24 Day of August in the year of our Lord one thousand Seven Hundred and Ninty Nine William Eldradge of the Township of Greenwich in the said County of Gloucester Brought before us Two of the overseers of the Poor of the said Township and Two of the Justices of the Peace of the County his Slave Sarah Green Who on View and Examination appears to us to be Sound in Mind and not under any bodily Incapacity of Obtaining a Support and also in not under the age of Twenty one years nor above the age of Forty years in Witness Were of We have hereunto Set our hands, the Day & year above Written. James C. Wood ) Overseers of the Poor Thomas Reeves ) of the Township Jeffery Clark ) Justices of the Peace of I Pine ) the said County. [Verso] Sarah Green Surtificate for Wm. Eldredge Negro. Recorded

Tom, a Black man aged 25 or 26, ran away from enslaver William Throckmorton of Spotswood on August 25, 1799. Tom was seen on the road to Trenton, and may have been heading to Pennsylvania. Throckmorton placed a runaway notice offering a 30 dollar reward for Tom's capture three days after Tom left. The ad was still running in the papers in December 1799, suggesting that Tom was likely still at large. The following is the transcript of the runaway ad by William Throckmorton as published in the Trenton newspaper New-Jersey State Gazette on December 10, 1799: "Thirty Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the subscriber on Sunday 25th inst. Living in Spotswood, South-Amboy township, county of Middlesex, state of New-Jersey, a Negro Man named TOM, 25 or 26 years old; five feet six or seven inches high, dark complexion, thick lips, bushy hair, which he sometimes wears tied and his ear lock platted, had on, when he went away, a long striped nankeen coat, tow trousers and castor hat. Whoever will take up the said Negro, and secure him in any gaol or deliver him to his master, shall receive the above reward, with reasonable charges paid by WILLIAM THROCKMORTON. N. B. It is supposed he has gone into Pennsylvania, as he was seen on the road to Trenton. August 28, 1799."

On September 23, 1799, a Black man named Harry ran away from his enslaver, Abraham Skillman, who lived in Somerset County in the vicinity of Princeton. ----- Transcript of the source document: "FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY, from the subscriber on the 23rd of September last a negro boy named Harry, it is probable he will alter his name; he is 20 years of age, about 5 feet high, thick set, very black, small eyes, his hair short and knotty, he speaks quick, he had a small sore on his chin, he took two coats, with him, one blue the other green, and other clothes, a high crowned hat; he stole when he went away sixty silver dollars and three notes, one of ten dollars, and two of five, he understands nail making and farming. Whoever takes up said negro, and delivers him to his master or secures him in any jail, and gives information so that his owner can get him again shall have the above reward, and all reasonable charges paid by ABRAHAM SKILLMAN. Somerset County, New-Jersey, near Princeton. } Dec. 6."

Adam Hill escaped from enslaver William McMurtrie of Philadelphia, PA, at some point in 1799 (or earlier) and ran to New Jersey. He was later apprehended around Middlesex County. See the related jailing event for Adam Hill for details.

Henry Hall escaped from his enslaver and ran to New Jersey in 1799 (or earlier). The name of his enslaver and his point of origin is uncertain, and it may have been Maryland or Virginia (Chesapeake Bay area). He was later apprehended around Middlesex County. See the related jailing event for Henry Hall for details.

A Black man named Isaac Harmone ran away from his enslaver in the area of Head of Elk (present-day Elkton), at the border of Maryland and Delaware around 1799 (or earlier). The name of his enslaver is uncertain. He ran to New Jersey. He was later apprehended around Middlesex County. See the related jailing event for Isaac Harmone for details.

On November 24, 1799, a 34-year-old Black man named Cato ran away from his enslaver Stephen Haines of Elizabethtown (present-day Elizabeth), New Jersey. ----- Transcript of the source document: "TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN-AWAY from the subscriber the 24th of November last, a negro man named CATO, aged 34 years, about five feet five inches high, pretends to be religious, calls himself a Methodist, is a great liar, understands driving team and farming, had on an old great coat, with a large cape of mixt cloth, a whitish short coat, yellow velvet breeches, much worn, new stockings of black sheep's wool, an old hat with a black crape scarf—It is likely he has given himself another name. Whoever apprehends said Negro, so that the owner can have him again, shall have the above reward, and all reasonable charges. STEPHEN HAINES Elizabeth-Town, Dec. 2, 1799. 66-4wp"

John, a French-speaking Black boy aged 16, ran away from his enslaver Mr. Reausseau in New York. The exact date of his escape is not known, and it is uncertain how long he was on the run. By December 6, 1799, he was apprehended and jailed in Trenton.

John, a French-speaking Black boy aged 16, ran away from his enslaver Mr. Reausseau in New York. The exact date of his escape is not known, and it is uncertain how long he was on the run. On Friday, December 6, 1799, he was captured and jailed in Trenton. Henry Drake, Marshal for the city of Trenton, issued a notice of John's jailing in the Trenton newspaper New-Jersey State Gazette on December 10, 1799. Below is a transcript of the notice as it appeared in the December 31, 1799, issue of the paper: "TAKEN UP AND committed to gaol on Friday last, a French Negro Boy, by the name of JOHN, about 16 years of age, five feet 5 inches high, well built; has on a blue cap, mixed colored coat, brown pantaloons and half-boots—Says he is from New-York, and that his master lived near the New-Gaol, by the name of Reausseau, formerly of Jeremie in St. Domingo.—His owner is desired to send for him, pay charges and take him away, within four weeks, or he will be sold to pay charges. HENRY DRAKE, Marshal. Trenton, Dec. 10, '99. 41-4w."

On December 31, 1799, the keeper of the Middlesex County jail announced that three Black men were being held at the jail as suspected runaways. Their names were Adam Hill, Henry Hall, and Isaac Harmone, and they all hailed from different places. Adam Hill's enslaver was listed as "Wm. Mc. Mutrea" of Philadelphia, most likely referring to the Philadelphia merchant William McMurtrie. The names of the other men's enslavers were not reported. The jailkeeper noted that the three men would be sold if their enslavers did not come to take them away by January 21, 1800. ----- Transcript of the source document: "In custody in Middlesex gaol, the following Negro men, to wit: ADAM HILL, says he belongs to Wm. Mc. Mutrea of Philadelphia, 21 years old—Henry Hall, about six feet high, supposed to be about 26 years old, and some gentleman’s coach man or waiter, and from his dialect, judged to be from Maryland or Virginia.—Isaac Harmone, five feet six or seven inches high, very black, about 20 years old, says he lived at the Head of Elk, State of Delaware. The owners of the above negroes are requested to pay charges and take them away before the 21st of January ensuing, or they shall on that day be sold to defray expense and goal fees, at the city of New-Brunswick, and State of New-Jersey. December 31, 1799. 10-3"

There is an anecdote about Caesar and his enslaver Elias Van Bunschooten that was included by William Henry Van Benschoten in his 1907 family history book. The author noted that the story was told to him by Mr. William De Witt, an octogenarian from Clove, an area in Wantage, NJ. The events described would have taken place when Elias Van Bunschooten lived in Wantage where he pastored the Clove Church from 1787 to 1815. The following text is a transcript of the relevant passage from the book on p. 39: “This is another story from the same source: the Domine had a privileged old slave as a gardener who was particularly fond of melons and always planted of them abundantly as well as of cucumbers for which his master had as great a liking. It had of late become a conviction with the Domine that melons were great 'make-thieves,' and so one day without a word he entered the garden and ruthlessly tore up the vines. Caesar spied him in the act: so to even up with his master, next morning early he pulled up the cucumber vines. When the Domine called him to account his plea was: ‘Tit for tat, butter for fat, Massa: my melons, your cucumbers!’ and the Domine had not a word further to say.”

Michael Swing of Fairfield, Cumberland County, manumitted a Black man named Adam Brum, aged 22, on 8 January 1800. Justice of the Peace Joseph Ogden certified that Adam Brum was a healthy man and not incapacitated, and thus eligible for manumission. The original manumission deed and certificate have been preserved and are held by the Cumberland County Historical Society. A copy of the manumission record was entered into the County Clerk's Book B of Miscellaneous Records on page 110 by A. Pierson. ----- Transcript of the source document: "I Michael Swing of Fairfield Township in Cumberland County & State of New Jersey do hereby set free from bondage, my negro man named Adam Brum about twenty two years of age and do for myself my heirs, Executors and Administrators, release unto the said Adam Brum all my right and all claim whatsoever as to his person or to any estate he may acquire, hereby declaring the said negro man named Adam Brum absolutely free, without any interruption from me, or any person claiming under me. In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 8th Day of January in the Year of our Lord Eighteen hundred. Michel Swing Sealed & Delivered } in the presence of } Moses Burt Enoch Gibbs [verso] Be yt Remembered that on the 8th Day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand Eight hundred Micl Swing personally appeared before me and Declared by his vollentery consent that he amansipated from that time his negro Man Adam about the age of twenty two years and I do sertify from under my Hand and Seal that the sd Negro Adam ys a whearty Healthy Negro and in Known way decrepped Givin under My Hand and Seal the Date above Manumission of Negro Joseph Ogden justes pece Cumberld County Farefeald township Rec'd & Recorded in the Clerks Office of the County of Cumberland in the State of New Jersey in Book B. of Miscellaneous Records, page 110 &c A. Pierson Clk === "

The following manumission record from Gloucester County was transcribed by the Historical Records Survey Project of the Works Progress Administration. The transcript was originally published in 1940 in the book titled Transcriptions of Early County Records of New Jersey: Gloucester County Series Slave Documents. The transcript is reproduced below as it appeared in that book. GLOUCESTER COUNTY DOCUMENT NUMBER: 21 TRANSCRIPT: To Whom It May Concern Know Ye that my Negro Woman Named Tenvi Freeman, Aged twenty six Years and Upwards, Is hereby Manumitted, Discharged and set free. WITNESS my Hand and seal the Ninth day of January in the Year of Our Lord Eighteen Hundred 1800. John Sparks (Seal) Witness Present Elisha Clark Gloucester County :ss We do hereby certify that on this Ninth Day of December in the Year of Our Lord Eighteen Hundred John Sparks Esq. of the said County of Gloucester brought Before us the Subscribers two of the Overseers of the poor of the Township of Deptford and two Justices of the peace of said County his Negro Woman a Slave Named Tenvi Freeman Who on View and Examination Appeared to us to be sound in Mind and not Under any Bodily Incapacity of Obtaining a Support, and also is not Under Twenty one Years of Age nor above thirty five, In Witness Whereof We have hereunto set our Hands the Day and Year above Written. Ja. Hopkins Justics Jno. Blackwood Justics Thomas Reeves Levi Hooper Overseer of the poor [Verso] Tenvi Freeman discharge Recorded in the Clerks Office of the County of Gloucester. E. Clark Clk

Peter Randolph was manumitted by Rune F. Randolph of Piscataway, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The certificate of manumission was signed by the Overseers of the Poor of Piscataway (Edward Griffith, David Coriell Jr.) and Justices of the Peace for Middlesex County (Alexander Dunn, Samuel F. Randolph) on February 11, 1800. The document stated that Peter Randolph was examined in court and met the eligibility requirements for manumission in New Jersey, i.e. the person was 21 to 40 years old and was "sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity" of obtaining a livelihood. Peter Randolph's exact age was not recorded in the document. This manumission was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk on February 12, 1800.

Dick Laing was manumitted by Isaac Laing of Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The certificate of manumission was signed by the Overseers of the Poor of Woodbridge (Richard Wright, Ezekiel Ayers) and Justices of the Peace for Middlesex County (Henry Marsh, Ichabod Potter) on May 10, 1800. The document stated that Dick Laing was examined in court and met the eligibility requirements for manumission in New Jersey, i.e. the person was 21 to 40 years old and was "sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity" of obtaining a livelihood. Dick Laing's exact age was not recorded in the document. This manumission was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk on May 14, 1800. Harry Laing and Huff Laing were manumitted on the same day by other Laing relatives in what appears to be a group manumission undertaken by the Laing family of Woodbridge.

Harry Laing was manumitted by Thomas Laing of Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The certificate of manumission was signed by the Overseers of the Poor of Woodbridge (Richard Wright, Ezekiel Ayers) and Justices of the Peace for Middlesex County (Henry Marsh, Ichabod Potter) on May 10, 1800. The document stated that Harry Laing was examined in court and met the eligibility requirements for manumission in New Jersey, i.e. the person was 21 to 40 years old and was "sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity" of obtaining a livelihood. Harry Laing's exact age was not recorded in the document. This manumission was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk on May 14, 1800. Dick Laing and Huff Laing were manumitted on the same day by other Laing relatives in what appears to be a group manumission undertaken by the Laing family of Woodbridge.

Huff Laing was manumitted by Harry Laing of Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The certificate of manumission was signed by the Overseers of the Poor of Woodbridge (Richard Wright, Ezekiel Ayers) and Justices of the Peace for Middlesex County (Henry Marsh, Ichabod Potter) on May 10, 1800. The document stated that Huff Laing was examined in court and met the eligibility requirements for manumission in New Jersey, i.e. the person was 21 to 40 years old and was "sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity" of obtaining a livelihood. Huff Laing's exact age was not recorded in the document. This manumission was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk on May 14, 1800. Dick Laing and Harry Laing were manumitted on the same day by other Laing relatives in what appears to be a group manumission undertaken by the Laing family of Woodbridge.

Jack Randolph was manumitted by Daniel Moore of Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey. The certificate of manumission was signed by the Overseers of the Poor of Woodbridge (Richard Wright, Ezekiel Ayers) and Justices of the Peace for Middlesex County (Henry Marsh, Ichabod Potter) on May 10, 1800. The document stated that Jack Randolph was examined in court and met the eligibility requirements for manumission in New Jersey, i.e. the person was 21 to 40 years old and was "sound in mind and not under any bodily incapacity" of obtaining a livelihood. Jack Randolph's exact age was not recorded in the document. This manumission was recorded by the Middlesex County Clerk (William P. Deare) on June 22, 1812.